



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



DODDBblEDDH 









'; ^°-nf 



"^ 








0^ 










'*- -; 



,' , *^ ■^<^ °^y||^/ V5.^' 




I 






^yfcj»^*^> ^ .;^'^i<^->:S '^ V% . J 






WW, 



THE 



HISTORY 



OP 



NORTH AND SOUTH AMERICA, 

FROM ITS DISCOVERY 



DEATH Of GENERAL WASHINGTON. 



BY RICHARD'SNOWDEN, Esq. 



REVISED, CORRECTED, AND IMPROVED, AND THE HISTORY OF NORTH 

AMERICA BROUGHT DOWN TO THE CESSION OF FLORIDA 

IN 1821, AND OF SOUTH AMERICA TO THE BATTLE 

OF CAROBOBO IN THE SAME YEAR. 

BY CH^LBS W.^BAZELEY. 



History is tlie depository of tiie experiments of social science ; and it is important 
that all should understand the consequences of human institutions and actions; 
aad these consequences are to be found in History.— Sismondi. 



i^ 




• PUBLISHED BY M' CARTY & DAVIS, 
No. 171 MARKET STREET. 

1832. 



Entered according to the act of congress, in the year 1832, by M'Carty 
& Davis, in the clerk's office of the district court of the eastern district 
of Pennsylvania. 



/AS^4- 



STEREOTYPED BY J. HOWE. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



OF SOUTH AMERICA. 

Preface Page 5 

Talents of Columbus 7 

He applies to several powers for assistance 10 

He sails from Palos 19 

He discovers the Bahamas 24 

Columbus returns to Spain 31 

He makes a second voyage 36 

He discovers Deseada ib. 

Columbus returns to Spain with great treasures 45 

He sails on a third voyage 47 

He arrives at Trinidad 4g 

Mutiny of Roldan 50 

He is sent as a prisoner to Spain 52 

Ovando's appointment as Governor 55 

Columbus sails the fourth time 57 

He visits St. Domingo 58 

Honduras and Yucatan 59 

He suffers shipwreck gO 

His death 63 

Anacoana cruelly treated by Ovando 65 

Balboa discovers the Pacific Ocean 74 

Cortes accompanies Velasquez to Cuba 81 

He invades Mexico '. 85 

Character of Montezuma 89 

He meets Cortes 202 

Montezuma made prisoner 1Q5 

Cortes gets full possession of Mexico I34 

Magellan sails from Seville I35 

Account of Pizarro 141 

His conquest of Peru 254 

Revolution of New Granada 288 

Venezuela 289 

Colombia - - ^ 290 

Buenos Ayres 291 

Chili 194 

OF NORTH AMERICA. 

Conjectures on peopling America 198 

Character of the Aborigines 202 

State of the country in 1763 221 

British parliament lay duties on imports 224 



iv CONTENTS. 

The Stamp Act "passed 225 

An act of parliament opposed 228 

Tumult at Boston 230 

British troops arrive there 231 

Bostonians destroy the tea 233 

Meeting of the first Congress 237 

Colonists prepare for war 241 

Battle of Lexington 244 

Bunker Hill 245 

Articles of confederation 247 

George Washington, commander-in-chief 253 

General Montgomery marches against Canada 254 

Norfolk burned 259 

British evacuate Boston 260 

Declaration of Independence 261 

Armament sent to destroy Charleston 269 

Battle of Long Island 272 

. White Plains 275 

Princeton 280 

Brandywine 282 

Germantown 283 

Capture of Burgoyne 290 

The British evacuate Philadelphia 294 

French fleet arrives at Virginia 300 

Stony Point taken by general Wayne 302 

Arnold attempts to deliver West Point to the British 309 

Major Andre taken as a spy 310 

Henry Laurens taken by the British 312 

Battle at Guilford Court-House 316 

British and French fleets engage 319 

Surrender of Cornwallis at York -Town 320 

Treaty of peace ratified 321 

Washington takes leave of the army 322 

elected President of the United States 324 

Farewell Address 326 

British attack on New-Orleans 345 

Cessio^' of Florida , 346 



PREFACE. 



To furnish the public with a concise history of America, 
from its discovery to its present state of civilization and 
importance, is an undertaking of such general utility, 
that the attempt, if it even fall short of complete execu- 
tion, has a claim to a considerable share of indulgence. 
This is more especially the case, when the writer has to 
follow a historian of such great and just celebrity as Dr. 
Robertson, in at least one-half of the work. 

To compose such an historical epitome as is desira- 
ble, from scattered materials, is a difficulty of such mag- 
nitude as wholly to discourage the attempt; and to abridge 
che pages of so great an original, where there is nothing 
superfluous, nothing the reader would wish to be omitted, 
is a design which seems to border on temerity. But this 
abridgement has been preferred, because it is attended 
with the least chance of disappointment ; and it is not 
dishonorable to borrow, when the obligation is candidly 
acknowledged. 

Dr. Robertson's history has, therefore, been implicitly 
followed in what relates to South America. His arrange- 
ment of the subject, his chronological order, and his very 
style have been adopted, as the best that can be chosen. 
To condense his details, to introduce only the most 
prominent and characteristic events, has been the prin- 
cipal effort, and invariable purpose of the epitomizer: 
endeavoring to preserve, unbroken, the connexion and 
continuity of events ; and to present the reader with a 
brief, but interesting, view of one of the most important 
eras in the annals of the world. 

So far the writer travelled with pleasure : — but, in 
tracing the subsequent part, the history of North Ame- 
rica, he has cause to res^ret the absence of so pleasing 



6 PREFACE. 

and faithful a guide — being obliged to collect materials 
from different sources, of all the British settlements in 
North America, from their first landing to the final sepa- 
ration from the parent state. 

The settlement of these colonies being made at differ- 
ent periods, with charters of incorporation extremely 
variant, and with governments, as distinct as their geo- 
graphical boundaries, rendered a history of the British 
empire in America very complex and difficult. From 
this heterogeneous mass, the writer has endeavored, with 
considerable labor, to educe a summary of those events 
that paved the way to the American Revolution; and 
this Synopsis will constitute an introduction to the future 
histories of the United States. 

In that portion of the work which succeeds the con- 
federation of the colonies, and the consequent declara- 
tion of Independence, we set our feet on surer ground : 
we revive events that happened in our own memory ; 
and of which there are faithful records within reach of 
the generahty of our readers. In treating on this part 
of the subject, it is not a very easy task, wholly to avoid 
that collision of opinions which is inseparable from free 
governments, and which constitutes so great a part in 
the annals of United America: but though difficult, the 
writer has endeavored to avoid it ; confining himself, as • 
much as possible, to a history of facts, and to those only 
that are of a national concern. His principal object has 
been to present his readers witn a comprehensive view 
of the whole, without any respect to the politics of a 
single state or party ; and to excite, if possible, a zeal 
for the general w^elfare and honor of our common coun- 
try. — How far he has succeeded in this, as well as other 
parts of the work, must be left to the candid reader ; to 
whom it is now very respectfully submitted. 



HISTORY OF SOUTH AMERICA, 



CHAP. I. 

INTRODUCTION. TALENTS OF COLUMBUS. HE APPLIES TO SEV- 
ERAL POWERS FOR ASSISTANCE. SAILS FROM PALOS. DIS- 
COVERS THE BAHAMAS. 

1. The discovery of America has led to events unrivalled 
in modern history, and we cannot sufficiently admire that 
steady unconquerable resolution, that amazing force of mind 
which carried Columbus, the first bold discoverer, through all 
opposition, and over innumerable obstacles, to the ultimate end 
of his grand design. The intellio-ent reader will be agreeablv 
entertained in following this skilful navigator, through un- 
known seas, in search of a Nev/ World ; every little incident 
during the voyage will appear of sufficient magnitude to fix the 
attention, and excite a strong sympathy with the adventurous 
chief, in all the various turns of his fortune. 

2. According to Dr. Robertson, Christopher Columbus was 
born in the year 1447 A. D. ; the place of his birth is not as- 
certained, but it appears he was a subject of the Republic of 
Genoa, and was allured into the service of the Portuguese by 
the fame of their discoveries : he was descended from an hon- 
orable family, though reduced to indigence by various mis- 
fortunes. 

3. Columbus discovered, in his early youth, a strong pro- 
pensity and talents for a sea-faring life : this propensity his pa- 
rents encouraged by the education they gave him : after ac- 
quiring some knowledge of the Latin tongue, the only lan- 
guage in which science was taught, at that time, he was in- 
structed in geometry, cosmography, astronomy, and the art oi' 
drawing. To these he applied with such unremitted ardor, as 
they were so intimately connected with his favorite object, navi- 
gation, that he advanced with rapid proficiency in the study of 
them. Thus qualified, he went to sea at the age of fourteen, 
and began his career on that element, which conducted him to 
so much glory. His early voyages were to those ports in the 
Mediterranean which his countrymen, the Genoese, frequented. 
This being too narrow a sphere for his active mind, he made 



8 HISTORY OF 

an excursion to the northern seas, and visited the coast of Ice- 
land ; he proceeded beyond that island, the Ultima Thule of 
the ancients, and advanced several degrees within the polar 
circle. 

4. This voyage enlarged his knowledge in naval affairs 
more than it improved his fortune ; afterwards he entered into 
the service of a famous sea captain of his own name and fam- 
ily. This man commanded a small squadron, fitted out at his 
own expense, and, by cruising against the Mahometans, and the 
Venetians, the rivals of his country in trade, had acquired both 
wealth and reputation. Columbus continued in the service of 
this captain for several years, distinguished both for his cour- 
age and experience as a sailor : at length, in an obstinate en- 
gagement off the coast of Portugal, with some Venetian cara- 
vels, returning richly laden from the Low Countries, the vessel 
on board of which he was, took fire, together with one of the 
enemy's ships, to which it was fast grappled. 

5. In this dreadful extremity his intrepidity and presence of 
mind did not forsake him ; for, throwing himself into the sea, 
and laying hold of a floating oar, by his own dexterity in 
swimming, he reached the shore, though above two leagues dis- 
tant. Thus was a life preserved for greater undertakings. 

6. When he had recovered sufficient strength, he repaired to 
Lisbon, where many of his countrymen resided : they warmly 
solicited him to stay in that kingdom, where his naval skill and 
experience could not fail of procuring him that reward, which 
his merit entitled him to. Columbus listened with a favorable 
ear to the advice of his friends ; married a Portuguese lady, 
and fixed his residence at Lisbon. By this alliance, the sphere 
of his naval knowledge was enlarged. His wife was a daughter 
of Bartholomew Perestrello, one of the captains employed by 
prince Henry, and who, under his protection, had discovered 
and colonized the islands of Porto Santo and Madeira. 

7. From the journals and charts of this experienced navi- 
gator, Columbus learned the course which the Portuguese had 
held in making their discoveries. The study of these, gratified 
and inflamed his favorite passion ; and, while he contemplated 
the maps and read the descriptions of the new countries which 
Perestrello had seen, his impatience to visit them became irre- 
sistible. In order to indulge it, he made a voyage to Madeira, 
and continued during several years to trade with that island, 
with the Canaries, the Azores, the settlements in Guinea, and^ 
all the other places which the Portuguese had discovered on 
the continent of Africa. 



AMERICA. 9 

8. He was now become one of the most skilful navigators 
in Europe ; but his ambition aimed at something more. The 
mind of Columbus, naturally inquisitive, and capable of deep 

"reflection, was often employed in revolving the principles upon 
which the Portuguese had founded their schem.es of cliscovery, 
and the mode in which they had carried them on. 

9. At that period, the great object in vievy', was to find out a 
passage by sea to the East Indies. From the time that the 
Portuguese had sailed round Cape Verd, this was a point they 
were anxiously solicitous to attain ; in comparison with it, all 
discoveries in Africa appeared inconsiderable. But notwith- 
standing the Portuguese were so intent upon discovering a new 
route to those desirable regions, they searched for it only by 
steering towards the south, in hopes of arriving at India, by 
turning to the east, after they had sailed round the utmost ex- 
tremity of Africa. This course, however, was still unknown : 
and if discovered, was of such immense length, that a voyage 
from Europe to India, must have appeared an undertaking ex- 
tremely arduous, and of uncertain issue. 

10. More than half a century had been employed in ad- 
vancing from Cape Non to the Equator ; a much longer space 
of time might elapse before the extensive navigation from that 
to India could be accomplished. These reflections upon the un- 
certainty, and the danger of the course M'hich the Portuguese 
were pursuing, led Columbus to consider, whether a shorter 
and more direct passage to the East Indies might not be found 
out. After revolving long and attentively, every circumstance 
suggested by his superior knowledge in the theory, as well as 
practice of navigation ; after comparing the observations of 
modern pilots with the conjectures of ancient authors, he at 
last concluded, that by sailing directly towards the west, across 
the Atlantic ocean, new countries, which probably formed a 
part of the vast continent of India, must be discovered. 

11. The spherical figure of the earth was known, and its 
magnitude ascertamed with some degree of accuracy. From 
this it was evident, that the continents of Europe, Asia, and 
Africa, formed but a small portion of the terraqueous globe. 
It appeared likewise very probable that the continent on one 
side the globe was balanced by a proportional quantity of land 
in the other hemisphere. These conclusions concerning an- 
other continent, drawn from the figure and structure of the 
globe, were confirmed by the observations and conjectures of 
modern navigators, 

12. A Portuguese pilot having stretched farther to the west 



10 HISTORY OF 

than usual at that time, took up a piece of timber artificially 
carved, floating upon the sea ; and as it was driven towards 
him by a westerly wind, he concluded that it came from some 
unknown land, situated in that quarter. Columbus's brother- 
in-law also had found, to the west of the Madeira isles, a piece 
of timber, fashioned in the same manner, and brought by the 
same wind ; and had seen likewise canes of an enormous size 
floating upon the waves, which resembled those described by 
Ptolemy, as productions peculiar to the East Indies. After a 
course of westerly winds, trees torn up with their roots, were 
often driven upon the coasts of the Azores, and at one time the 
dead bodies of two men, with singular features, which resem- 
bled neither the inhabitants of Europe, nor of Africa, were 
cast ashore there. 

13. To a mind capable of forming and executing great de- 
signs, as that of Columbus, these observations and authorities 
operated in full force with his sanguine and enterprising tem- 
per ; speculation led immediately to action, — fully satisfied 
himself with respect to the truth of his system, he was impa- 
tient to bring it to the test of experiment, and to set out on a 
voyage of discovery. 

14. The first step towards this, was to secure the patronage 
of some of the considerable powers in Europe, capable of un- 
dertaking such an enterprise. His affection for his native 
country, induced him to wish it should reap the fruit of his 
labors and invention ; and with this view, he laid his schemes 
before the senate of Genoa, and oflered to sail under the ban- 
ners of the republic, in quest of the new regions he expected 
to discover. But, Columbus had resided so many years in 
foreign parts, that his countrymen were unacquainted with his 
abilities and character ; they, therefore, inconsiderately rejected 
his proposal, as the dream of a chimerical projector, and lost 
for ever the opportunity of restoring their commonwealth to 
its ancient splendor. 

1.5. Columbus was so little discouraged by the repulse which 
he had received, that instead of relinquishing his object, he 
pursued it with fresh ardor. He next made an overture to John 
11. king of Portugal, whom he considered as having the second 
claim to his services. Here every thing seemed to promise him 
a more favorable reception. He applied to a monarch of an 
enterprising genius, no incompetent judge in naval afl?airs, and 
proud of patronizing every attempt to discover new countries. 
His subjects were the most experienced navigators in Europe, 



AMERICA; 11 

and the least apt to be intimidated either by the novelty or bold 
ness of any maritime expedition. 

^16. In Portugal, the skill of Columbus in his profession, as 
well as his personal good qualities, were well known : accord- 
ingly the king Ustened to him in the most gracious manner, and 
referred the consideration of his plan to Diego Ortiz, bishop of 
Ceuta, and two Jewish physicians, eminent cosmographers, 
whom he was accustomed to consult in matters of this kind. 
In Genoa he had to combat with ignorance, in Lisbon an en- 
'emy no less formidable opposed him, prejudice ; the persons to 
whose decision his project was referred, were the chief directors 
of the Portuguese navigation, and had advised to search for a 
passage to India by steering a course directly opposite to that 
which Columbus recommended, as shorter and more certain. 
They could not, therefore, approve of his proposal, without 
submitting to the double mortification, of condemning their own 
theory, and of acknowledging his superior sagacity. 

17. After a fruitless and mortifying attendance, being teased 
with captious questions, and starting innumerable objections, 
with a view of betraying him into a particular explanation 
of his system, they deferred passing a final judgment, with 
respect to it j but secretly conspired to rob him of the honor 
and advantages which he expected from the success of his 
scheme, advising the king to dispatch a vessel secretly, in order 
to attempt the proposed discovery, by following exactly the 
course which Columbus seemed to point out. The king, for- 
getting, on this occasion, the sentiments becoming a monarch, 
meanly adopted this perfidious counsel. But the pilot chosen 
to execute Columbus's plan, had neither the genius, nor the 
fortitude, of its author ; he returned, as might have been ex- 
pected, without accomplishing any thing ; execrating the project 
as equally extravagant and dangerous. 

18. Upon discovering this dishonorable action, he instantly 
quitted the kingdom, and landed in Spain, towards the close of 
the year 1484, when he determined to propose it, in person, to 
Ferdinand and Isabella, who, at that time, governed the united 
kingdoms of Castile and Arragon. But as he had already ex- 
perienced the uncertain issue of applications to kings and min- 
isters, he took the precaution of sending into England his bro- 
ther Bartholomew, to whom he had fully communicated his 
ideas ; in order that he might, at the same time, negotiate with 
Henry VII. who was reputed one of the most sagacious, as 
well as opulent, princes in Europe. 

19. Columbus entertained doubts and fears with respect to 



12 HISTORY OF 

the reception of his proposals in the Spanish court, because 
Spain was engaged, at that juncture, in a dangerous war with 
Granada, the last of the Moorish kingdoms. The cautious and 
suspicious temper of Ferdinand was not congenial with bold 
and uncommon designs. Isabella, though more generous and 
enterprising, was under the influence of her husband in all her 
actions. 

20. The Spaniards had hitherto made no efforts to extend 
navigation beyond its ancient limits, and beheld the amazing 
progress of discovery among their neighbors, the Portuguese, 
without making one attempt to imitate or rival them. Under 
circumstances so unfavorable, it was not likely that Columbus 
could make a rapid progress with a nation naturally slow and 
dilatory in performing all its resolutions. 

21. His character, however, was well adapted to that of the 
people, whose confidence and protection he solicited. He was 
grave, though courtly in his deportment ; circumspect in his 
words and actions ; irreproachable in his morals ; and exem- 
plary in his attention to all the duties of religion. By these 
qualities he gained many private friends, and acquired such 
general esteem, that he was considered as a person to whose 
propositions some attention vv^as due. 

22. Ferdinand and Isabella, though fully occupied by their 
operations against the Moors, paid so much regard to Colum- 
bus as to refer the consideration of his plan to the queen's con- 
fessor, Ferdinand de Talavera. He consulted such of his coun- 
trymen as v/ere supposed best qualified to decide upon a subject 
of this nature : those pretended philosophers who were selected 
to judge in a matter of such moment, did not comprehend 
the first principles upon which Columbus founded his conjec- 
tures and hopes. Some of them, from mistaken n'V.ions, con- • 
cerning the dimensions of the globe, contended that a voyage 
to those remote parts of the earth, which Columbus expected 
to discover, could not be performed in less than three years ; 
others concluded he would find the ocean to be of infmitc ex- 
tent, according to the opinion of some ancient philosophers ; or 
if he should persist in steering towards the west, beyond a cer- 
tain point, that the convex figure of the globe would prevent 
his retiu'n, and that he must inevitably perish in the vain at- 
tempt to open a communication between the two opposite he..ii- 
spheres, which nature had for ever disjoined. Some contended 
that it was presumptuous in any person to suppose that he 
alone possessed knowledge superior to all the rest of mankind 
united ; that if there were really any such countries as Colum- 



AMERICA. 13 

bus pretended, they could not have remained so long concealed, 
nor would the sagacity and wisdom of former ages have left 
the glory of this invention to an obscure Genoese pilot. 

23. The patience of Columbus was put to the severest trial 
in listening to these ignorant and malicious insinuations : after 
innumerable conferences, and wasting five years in fruitless 
endeavors to inform and satisfy them, Talavera at last made 
such an unfavorable report to Ferdinand and Isabella, as in- 
duced them to acquaint Columbus, that until the war with the 
Moors should be brought to a final period, it was impossible 
for them to engage in any new and expensive enterprise. 

24. This declaration Columbus considered as a 'total rejec- 
tion of his proposals. But, happily for mankind, superiority of 
genius is usually accompanied with an ardent enthusiasm, 
which can neither be cooled by delays, nor damped by disap- 
pointments. The insolence of office may depress, but cannot 
extinguish it, as it soars above the littleness of human pride. 

25. Columbus was of a sanguine temper, though he deeply 
felt the cruel blow given to his ho}>es, and retired immediately 
from a court where he had been long amused with vain ex- 
pectations. His confidence in the justness of his own system 
did not forsake him ; and his impatience to demonstrate the 
truth of it became greater than ever. 

26. Having thus failed of success with sovereign states, he 
next applied to persons of inferior rank, and addressed the 
dukes of Medina Sidonia, and Medina Cell ; who, though sub- 
jects, were possessed of power and opulence sufficient for the 
enterprise which he projected. His proposals to them were, 
liowever, fruitless ; they did not choose to countenance a 
scheme which Ferdinand had rejected, even if they had ap- 
proved of the enterprise. Tliey v»'ere afraid of alarming the 
jealousy and offending the pride of Ferdinand, by acting coun- 
ter to his judgment. Such a succession of disappointments ex- 
cited the most painful sensations ; and his distress was aug- 
mented by his not having received any accounts from his bro- 
ther, whom he had sent to the court of England. 

27. Bartholomew, in his voyage to that country, fell into the 
hands of pirates who stripped him of every thing, and detained 
him a prisoner several years. At length he made his escape, 
and arrived in such extreme indigence, that he was compelled 
to employ a considerable space of time in drawing and selling 
maps, in order to obtain as much money as would enable him 
to purchase a decent dress, in which he might venture to ap- 
pear at court. He then laid before the king the proposals with 



B 



14 HISTORY OF 

which he had been intrusted by his brother ; and, notwithstand- 
ing Henry's excessive caution and parsimony, which rendered 
him averse to new and expensive undertakings, he received the 
overtures of Columbus with more approbation, than any mon- 
arch to whom they had hitherto been presented. 

28. Columbus, in the meanwhile, unacquainted with his bro- 
ther's fate, and hopes of succeeding in Spain having vanished, 
he resolved to visit the court of England in person. He had 
already made preparations for this purpose, and taken mea- 
sures for the disposal of his children during his absence, when 
Juan Perez, the Prior of the monastery of Rabida near Palos, 
in which they had been educated, earnestly solicited him to 
defer his journey for a short time. Perez was a man of con- 
siderable learning, and of some credit with queen Isabella, to 
whom he was personally known. Warmly attached to Colum- 
bus, and prompted by curiosity or friendship, he entered upon 
an accurate examination of his system, in conjunction with a 
physician, who was a good mathematician. 

29. This investigation satisfied them so thoroughly with re- 
spect to the principles upon which Columbus founded his opin- 
ion, that Perez, fearing his country would lose the glory and 
benefit of so grand an enterprise, ventured to write to Isabella, 
conjuring her to consider the matter again, and with the atten- 
tion it merited. 

30. Isabella was so far moved by this representation, that 
she desired Perez to repair immediately to the village of Santa 
Fe, in which, on account of the siege of Granada, the court 
resided at that time, that she might confer with him upon this 
important and interesting subject. 

31. The first effect of their interview was a gracious invita- 
tion of Columbus back to court, accompanied with the present 
of a small sum to equip himself for the journey. As there was 
a prospect that the war with the Moors would be speedily 
])rought to a happy issue, by the reduction of Granada, which 
would leave the nation at liberty to engage in new under- 
takings ; this, as well as the mark of royal favor with which 
Columbus had lately been honored, encouraged his friends to 
appear with greater confidence, than formerly, in support of 
his scheme. 

32. Of these, Alonzo de Quintanilla, comptroller of the 
finances in Castile, and Luis de Santangel, receiver of the ec- 
clesiastical revenues in Arragon, deserve an honorable place 
in history, on account of their zeal in promoting this great de- 
sign ; these gentlemen introduced Columbus to many persons 



AMERICA. 15 

of high rank, and interested them warmly in his cause. Fer- 
dinand's distrustful prudence could not easily be overcome : he 
considered the project as extravagant and chimerical ; and in 
order at once to destroy the efforts of his partisans, and render 
them ineffectual, he employed, in the new negotiation, persons 
who had formerly pronounced his scheme impracticable. 

33. To their astonishment, Columbus appeared before them 
with the same confident hopes of success, as formerly, and in- 
sisted upon the same high recompense. He proposed that a 
small fleet should be fitted out, under his command, to attempt 
a discovery, and demanded to be appointed perpetual and 
hereditary admiral and viceroy of all the seas and lands he 
should discover, and to have the tenth of the profits arising 
from them, settled irrevocably upon him and his descendants. 
At the same time he offered to advance the eighth part of the 
sum necessary, for accomplishing the design, on condition of 
his enjoying a proportional share of benefit from the adven- 
ture. If the enterprise should totally miscarry, he made no 
stipulation for any reward or emolument whatever. 

34. Instead of viewing this last proposition as the clearest 
evidence of his full persuasion, with respect to the truth of his 
own system, or being struck with admiration of that mag- 
nanimity, which after so many delays and repulses would stoop 
to nothing inferior to its original claims, the persons with whom 
Columbus treated, meanly objected to the expense of the expe- 
dition, and the value of the reward which he demanded. 

35. The expense they affirmed would be too great for Spain, 
in the present exhausted state of its finances. They contended 
the honors and emoluments claimed by Columbus, were ex- 
orbitant, even if he should perform the utmost of what he had 
proposed; and that if the expedition should prove abortive, 
such vast concessions to an adventurer would be deemed in- 
considerate and ridiculous. 

36. These cautious objections were so consonant with the 
natural disposition of Ferdinand, that he cordially approved of 
them ; and Isabella, discouraged, declined giving any coun- 
tenance to Columbus, and abruptly broke off the conference. 
The mind of Columbus, firm as it was, could hardly support 
the shock of such an unforeseen reverse. He withdrew in deep 
anguish from court, with an intention of prosecuting his voy- 
age to England, as his last resource. 

37. About that time Granada surrendered, and Ferdinand 
and Isabella, in triumphal pomp, took possession of a city, the 
reduction of which rendered them masters of all the provinces 



16 HISTORY OF 

extending from the foot of the Pyrenees to the frontiers of Por- 
tugal. Qiiintanilla and Santangel taking advantage of this 
favorable event, made another effort in behalf of their friend. 

38. They addressed themselves to Isabella, and after ex- 
pressing their surprise that she, who had always been the lib- 
eral patroness of generous undertakings, should hesitate so long 
to countenance the most splendid scheme that had ever been 
proposed to any monarch ; they represented to her, that Co- 
lumbus was a man of sound understanding, and virtuous char- 
acter, well qualified by his experience in navigation, as well as 
his knowledge of geometry, to form just ideas vv^ith respect to 
the structure of the globe, and the situation of its various re- 
gions ; and that by offering to risk his own life and fortune in 
the execution of his scheme, they gave the most satisfying evi- 
dence both of his integrity and hope of success ; that the sum 
requisite for equipping such an armament was inconsiderable, 
and the advantages that might accrue from his undertaking, 
were immense ; that he demanded no recompense for his in- 
vention and labor, but what was to arise from the countries 
which he should discover ; that it was worthy of her magnan- 
imity, to make this noble attempt to extend the sphere of hu- 
man knowledge, and to open an intercourse with regions hith- 
erto unknown ; that Columbus was on his way to foreign 
countries, where some prince would close with his proposals, 
and Spain would for ever bewail the fatal timidity which had 
excluded her from the glory and advantages that she had once 
in her power to have enjoyed. 

39. These powerful arguments, urged by persons of such 
authority, and at a juncture so well chosen, had the desired 
effect. Isabella's doubts and fears were all dispelled ; she ar- 
dered Columbus instantly to be recalled, declared her resolution 
of employing him on his own terms, and regretting the low 
state of her finances, generously offered to pledge her own jew- 
els in order to raise as much money as would be wanted for 
making the necessary preparations for the voyage. Santangel, 
transported with gratitude, kissed the queen's hand, and rather 
than she should have recourse to such a mortifying expedient 
for procuring money, engaged to advance immediately the sum 
that was requisite. 

40. Columbus, ignorant of this change in his favor, had 
proceeded some leagues on his journey, when the messenger 
overtook him. Upon receiving the account so flattering to his 
hopes, he returned directly to Santa Fe, not without some diffi- 
dence mingled with his joy. But the cordial reception which 



AMERICA. 17 

he met with from Isabella, together with the near prospect of 
setting out upon that voyage which had -so long engrossed his 
thoughts and wishes, soon effaced the remembrance of past 
sufferings, during eight years of tedious solicitation and anxious 
suspense. 

41. The negotiation now went on with facility and dispatch ; 
and a treaty with Columbus was signed on the seventeenth of 
April, 1492. The chief articles of it were: 

Art. 1. Ferdinand and Isabella, as sovereigns of the ocean, 
constituted Columbus their high-admiral in all the seas, islands, 
and continents, which should be discovered by his industry ; 
and stipulated, that he, and his heirs for ever, should enjoy 
this office, with the same powers and prerogatives, which be- 
longed to the high-admiral of Castile, within the limits of his 
jurisdiction. 

Art. 2. They appointed Columbus their viceroy in all the 
islands and continents he should discover; but if, for the bet- 
ter administration of affairs, it should hereafter be necessary 
to establish a separate governor in any of those countries, they 
autliorized Columbus to name three persons of whom they 
would choose one for that office ; and the dignity of viceroy, 
with all its immunities, was likewise to be hereditary in the 
family of Columbus. 

Art. 3. They granted to Columbus, and his heirs for ever, 
the tenth of the free profits accruing from the productions and 
commerce of the countries which he should discover. 

Art. 4. They declared, that if any controversy or law-suit 
should arise with respect to any mercantile transaction, in the 
countries which might be discovered, it should be determined 
by the sole authority of Columbus, or of judges to be appointed 
by him. 

Art. 5. They permitted Columbus to advance one-eighth 
part of what should be expended in preparing for the expedi- 
tion, and in carrying on commerce with the countries which 
he should discover ; and entitled him in return to an eighth 
part of the profit. 

42. Notwithstanding the name of Ferdinand appears joined 
with that of Isabella in this transaction, his distrust of Colum- 
bus was so violent, that he refused to take any part in the en- 
terprise, as king of Arragon. As the whole expense of the 
expedition, excepting the part Columbus was to furnish, was 
defrayed by the crown of Castile, Isabella reserved for her 
subjects of that kingdom, an exclusive right to all the benefits 
which might redound from its success. 

B2 



18 HISTORY OF 

43. When the treaty was signed, Isabella endeavored to 
make some reparation to Columbus for the time he had lost in 
fruitless solicitation, by her attention and activity in forward- 
ing the preparations. 

44. By the twelfth of May, all that depended on her was 
adjusted ; and Columbus waited on the king and queen, in or- 
der to receive their final instructions. Every thing respecting 
the destination and conduct of the voyage was committed en- 
tirely to his wisdom and prudence. But that they might avoid 
giving any just cause of offence to the king of Portugal, they 
strictly enjoined him not to approach near to the Portuguese 
settlements on the coast of Guinea ; nor to any of the other 
countries, to which they claimed right as discoverers. 

45. The ships, of which Columbus was to take the com- 
mand, were ordered by Isabella to be fitted out in the port of 
Palos, a small maritime town in the province of Andalusia. 
The prior, Juan Perez, to whom Columbus had been so greatly 
indebted, resided in the neighborhood of this place ; he, by the 
influence of that good ecclesiastic, as well as by his own connex- 
ion with the inhabitants, not only raised among them what he 
wanted of the sum that he was bound by treaty to advance, 
but engaged several of them to accompany him in the voyage. 
The chief of these associates were three brothers of the name 
of Pinzon, of considerable wealth, and of great experience in 
naval affairs, who were willing to hazard their Hves and for- 
tunes in the enterprise. 

46. Bat, notwithstanding all the endeavors and efforts of 
Isabella and Columbus, the armament was not suitable to the 
dignity of the nation by which it was equipped, or to the im- 
portance of the service for which it was destined. It consisted 
of three vessels only ; the largest, a ship of no considerable 
burden, was commanded by Columbus, as admiral, who gave it 
tlie name of Santa Maria, out of respect to the Blessed Virgin, 
whom he honored with singular respect. Of the second, called 
the Pinta, Martin'Alonzo Pinzon was captain, and his brother 
Francis, pilot. The third, named the Nigna, was under the 
command of Vincent Yanez Pinzon : those two were hardly 
superior in burden and force to large boats. 

47. This squadron, if it merits the name, was victualled for 
twelve months, and had on board ninety men, chiefly sailors, 
together with a few adventurers, who followed the fortune of 
Columbus, and some gentlemen of Isabella's court, whom she 
appointed to accompany him. Though the expense of the un- 
dertaking was one of the circumstances that chiefly alarmed 



AMERICA. 19 

the court of Spain, and retarded so long the negotiations with 
Columbus, the sum employed in fitting out this squadron ditl 
not exceed seventeen thousand five hundred dollars. 

48. The art of ship-building in the fifteenth century was ex- 
tremely rude, and the bulk and construction of vessels were 
accommodated to the short and easy voyages along the coast, 

- which they were accustomed to perform. It is a proof of the 
genius and courage of Columbus, that he ventured, with a fleet 
so unfit for a distant navigation, to explore unknown seas, 
where he had no chart to guide him, no knowledge of the tides 
and currents, and no experience of the dangers to which, in ali 
probability, he would be exposed. His eagerness to accomplish 
his great design made him overlook every danger and difficulty. 
He pushed forward the preparations with such ardor, and was 
so well seconded by Isabella, that every thing was soon in readi- 
ness for the voyage. 

49. But as Columbus was deeply impressed with a sense of 
the superintendence of Divine Providence, over the affairs of 
this life, he would not set out upon the expedition without pub- 
licly imploring the protection of heaven. With this view, ho 
marched in solemn procession to the monastery of Rabida, ac- 
companied by all the persons under his command. After con- 
fessing their sins, and obtaining absolution, they received the 
sacrament from the hands of the Prior, who joined his prayers 
to theirs for the success of an enterprise which he had so zeal- 
ously patronized. 

50. Next morning, being Friday, the third day of August, 
in the year 1492, the fleet sailed, a little before sunrise. A vast 
crowd of spectators assembled on the shore, and sent up their 
supplications to heaven for the prosperous issue of their voy- 
age, which they rather wished than expected. 

51. Columbus steered for the Canary Islands, and arrived 
there without any occurrence worth remarking, or that would 
have been taken notice of on any other occasion. But in thi,-^ 
expedition every thing claimed attention. The rudder of the 
Pinta broke loose the day after they left the harbor ; the crew, 
superstitious and unskilful, considered this as a bad omen. In 
this short run, the ships were found so crazy, as to be very 
unfit for a navigation which was expected to be long and dan- 
gerous. 

52. Columbus repaired them to the best of his power ; and, 
after taking in a supply of fresh provisions, at Gomera, he- 
took his departure on the sixth day of September. He imme- 
diately left the usual track of navigation, holding his course 



20 HISTORY OF 

due west, and stretched into unfrequented seas. The calmness 
of the weather prevented them from making much progress 
the first day ; but on the second he lost sight of land. The 
sailors, dejected and dismayed at the boldness of the under- 
taking, beat their breasts, and shed tears, as if they were never 
again to see the land. Columbus, confident of success, com- 
forted them with assurances of a happy issue of the voyage, 
and the prospect of vast wealth. 

53. This pusillanimous spirit of the crew, taught Columbus 
that he should have to struggle with other difficulties besides 
what was natural for him to expect from the nature of the un- 
dertaking. Fortunately for himself, and for the country which 
employed him, to an ardent inventive genius, he joined other 
virtues that are rarely united with them : he possessed a perfect 
knowledge of mankind, an insinuating address, a patient per- 
severance in executing any plan, the perfect government of his 
own passions, and the art of acquiring the direction of other 
men's. 

54. These qualities, which eminently formed him for com- 
mand, were accompanied with that experience and knowledge 
in his profession, which begets confidence in times of difficulty 
and danger. To Spanish sailors accustomed only to coasting 
voyages in the Mediterranean, the knowledge of Columbus, 
the fruit of thirty years' experience, improved by the inventive 
skill of the Portuguese, appeared immense. 

55. When they were at sea, he superintended the execution 
of every order ; and allowing himself only a few houi's for 
rest, he was almost constantly on deck. His course lying 
through seas not formerly visited, the sounding-line and quad- 
rant were seldom out of his hands. He attended to the mo- 
tions of the tides and currents, watched the flights of birds, 
the appearance of fishes, of sea-weeds, and of every thing 
that floated upon the water, entering every occurrence in his 
journal. 

56. Expecting the length of the voyage would alarm the 
sailors, Columbus concealed from them the real progress which 
they made. He employed the anifice of reckoning short, du- 
ring the whole voyage. By the 14th of September, the fleet 
was above six hundred miles to the west of the Canaries ; the 
greatest distance from land that any Spaniard had been before 
that time. 

57. But now they were struck with an appearance that was 
astonishing, because it was new. The magnetic needle did not 
point exactly to tlie Polar Star, but varied a degree towards the 



AMERICA. 21 

west ; and as they proceeded, this variation increased. Thougli 
this is now familiar, it still remains one of the mysteries of na- 
ture ; the sagacity of man has not been able to penetrate the; 
cause; and it filled the companions of Columbus with terror. 

58. They were now far from the usual course of naviga- 
tion, nature itself seemed altered, and tlie only guide they had 
left appeared to fail them. Columbus, with admirable presence 
of mind, invented a plausible reason for this appearance, which 
had an effect to dispel their fears, or silence their murmurs. 
He still steered due west, nearly in the latitude of the Canaries. 
In*this direction he came within the course of the trade winds, 
which blov/ from east to west, between the tropics. 

59. He advanced before this steady gale v/ith such rapidity, 
that it was seldom necessary to shift a sail. When about four 
hundred leagues west of the Canaries, the sea was so covered 
with weeds that it resembled a meadow of vast extent, and was 
in some places so thick as to impede the progress of the ves- 
sels. This was cause of fresh alarm : the seamen imagined 
this was the utmost boundary of the ocean ; and that these 
floating weeds concealed dangerous rocks, or a large tract of 
land, which had sunk in that place. Columbus persuaded them 
that, instead of alarming, it ought rather to encourage them 
to consider it as a sign of approaching land : at the same time 
a brisk gale sprung up, and carried them forwards. Several 
birds were seen hovering about the ship, and directing their 
flight towards the west. The despairing crew resumed some 
degree of spirit, and began to entertain new hopes. 

60. Upon the first day of October they were advanced two 
thousand two hundred and ten miles west of the Canaries ; but 
he persuaded his men that he had only proceeded seventeen 
hundred and fifty-two miles ; and fortunately for Columbus, 
neither his own pilot, nor those of the other ships, could dis- 
cover the deceit. 

61. Three weeks had now elapsed, and no land appeared: 
all their prognostics had proved fallacious, and their prospects 
of success were now as distant as ever. These reflections made 
strong impressions, at first, on the timid and ignorant, and ex- 
tended, by degrees, to those who were better informed, or more 
resolute. The contagion spread, at length, from ship to ship. 
From secret whispers and murmurings, they proceeded to open 
cabals and loud complaints. 

62. They charged their sovereign with foolish credulity, in 
relying on the vain promises and rash conjectures of an indi- 
gent foreigner. They affirmed that they had fully performed 



22 HISTORY OF 

their duty, by venturing in a hopeless cause, and that they 
Avould be justifiable in refiasing any longer to follow such a 
desperate adventurer to certain destruction. They contended 
that it was high time to think of returning to Spain, while their 
crazy vessels were still in a condition to keep the sea, but they 
feared their attempt would be impracticable, as the wind, which 
had hitherto been favorable to their course, would render it im- 
possible to sail in an opposite direction. 

63. They all agreed that Columbus should be compelled by 
force to adopt a measure, on which their safety depended. Some 
were for throwing him overboard, and getting rid of his re- 
monstrances, being persuaded that, upon their return to Spain, 
his death would excite little concern, and be inquired into with 
no curiosity. Columbus was not ignorant of his perilous situa- 
tion ; he saw that the disaffection of his crew was ready to 
burst forth into open mutiny. He affected to seem ignorant 
of all their designs, and appeared with a cheerful countenance, 
like a man fully satisfied with the progress he had made, and 
confident of success. 

64. Sometimes he endeavored to work upon their ambition 
and avarice, by magnificent descriptions of the fame and wealth 
which they would in all probability acquire. On other occa- 
sions he assumed a tone of authority, and threatened them with 
vengeance from their sovereign, if, by their cowardly behavior, 
they should defeat this noble effort to promote the glory of 
God, and to exalt the Spanish name above that of every other 
nation. 

65. The words of a man they were accustomed to obey and 
tfeverence, were weighty and persuasive ; and not only restrained 
them from violent excesses, but prevailed with them to accom- 
pany their admiral some time longer. As they advanced in 
their course, signs of approaching land were frequent. Birds 
appeared in flocks, and directed their flight towards the south- 
west. 

66. In imitation of the Portuguese, who in their several dis- 
coveries were guided by the motion of birds, Columbus ahered 
his course from due "west, to that quarter whither they pursued 
their flight. Holding on in this direction for several days, but 
with no better success than formerly, and having seen no land 
for thirty days, their hopes subsided quicker than they had 
arisen ; their fears revived with additional force ; impatience, 
rage, and despair, were visible in every countenance. All sub- 
ordination was lost ; the officers had hitherto concurred in 
opinion with Columbus, but now took part with the men ; they 



AMERICA. 23 

assembled and mixed threats with expostulations, and required 
him instantly to tack about, and return to Spain. 

67. Columbus perceived it would be in vain to practise his 
former arts, or endeavor to rekindle any zeal for the enter- 
prise in men, in whose breasts fear had extinguished every 
noble sentiment. It was therefore necessary, to soothe pas- 
sions, which it was impossible to command, and give way to a 
torrent too impetuous to be checked. Therefore he solemnly 
promised them, that if they would continue to obey his com- 
mands, and accompany him three days longer, and during 
that time, land were not discovered, he would then abandon 
the enterprise, and direct his course towards Spain. 

68. This proposition did not appear to them unreasonable : 
enraged as they were, they yielded to the proposition. Colum- 
bus saw the presages of approaching land so numerous and 
certain, that he did not hazard much in confining himself to so 
short a term. For some days the sounding-line reached the 
bottom, and the soil which it brought up was a strong indica- 
tion that the land was at no great distance. The land-birds 

'which made their appearance, confirmed their hopes. 

69. The crew of the Pinta observed a cane floating, which 
seemed to be newly cut, and likewise a piece of timber artifi- 
cially carved. The sailors on board the Nigna, took up tlie 
branch of a tree with red berries, perfectly fresh. The air was 
more mild and warm, and the clouds around tlie setting sun 
assumed a new appearance. 

70. Columbus was now so confident of being near land, that 
on the .evening of the eleventh of October, after public prayers 
for success, he ordered the ships to lie to, and a strict watch 
kept, lest they should be driven on shore in the night. During 
this interval of suspense, and anxious expectation, no man 
closed his eyes ; but all kept on deck looking intently towards 
that part from whence they supposed land would appear, which 
had been so long the object of their most anxious v/ishes. 

71. About two hours before midnight, Columbus, standing 
on the forecastle, observed a light at a distance, and privately 
pointed it out to Pedro Guttierez, a page of the queen's ward- 
robe. Guttierez perceived it, and called to Salcedo, comptroller 
of the fleet : all three saw it move, as from place to place. A 
little after midnight, the joyful sound of Land! Land! was 
heard from the Pinta, which always kept ahead of the other 
ships. Deceived so often, by fallacious appearances, they were 
slow of belief, and waited in anxious suspense for the return 
of day. 



'W' 



24 HISTORY OF 

72. When the morning dawned, all their doubts and fears 
were dispelled; they discovered an island about two leagues to 
the north, whose verdant fields and woods, watered with many 
rivulets, presented the aspect of a delightful country. 

73. The crew of the Pinta instantly began the Te Deum, as 
a hymn of thanksgiving to God ; and were joined by the crews 
of the other ships, with tears of joy and transports of con- 
gratulation. This act of devotion, was followed by an act of 
justice to their commander : they fell at his feet with feelings 
of self-condemnation, inspired with reverence. They implored 
his pardon for their ignorance, incredulity, and insolence, 
which had created him so much unnecessary disquiet, and pass- 
ing from one extreme to another, in the warmth of their imagin- 
ation they now pronounced him, whom they had lately reviled 
and threatened, to be a person divinely inspired with sagacity 
and fortitude more than human, that could accomplish a de- 
sign beyond the ideas and conceptions of all former ages. 

74. When the sun arose, the boats were all manned and 
armed, with colors displayed, warlike music, and other martial 
pomp ; they rowed towards the shore : as they approached, 
they saw a multitude of people, whose gestures expressed won- 
der and astonishment at the novel and strange objects which 
presented themselves to their view. 

75. Columbus was the first European that set his foot on 
the new world. He landed in a rich dress, and with a drawn 
sword in his hand. His men followed, with the royal standard 
displayed, and kneeling down, kissed the ground they had so 
long desired to see. They then erected a crucifix, and pros- 
trating themselves before it, returned thanks to God, for thus 
conducting their voyage to so happy an issue. 

76. They then, in a solemn manner, took possession of the 
country for the crown of Castile and Leon, with all the for- 
nialities which the Portuguese were accustomed to observe, in 
all their discoveries. While the Spaniards were thus employed, 
they were surrounded by the natives, who, in silent admira- 
tion, gazed upon actions, the meaning of which they could not 
comprehend, or foresee the consequences. 

77. The dress of the Spaniards, the whiteness of their skin, 
their beards, arms, and accoutrements, appeared strange and 
.surprising. The vast machines, in which they traversed the 
ocean, appeared to move upon the waters with wings, uttering 
a dreadful sound like thunder, accompanied with lightning and 
smoke : this filled the natives with terror, and inspired them 
with a belief that their new guests were a superior order of 



AIMERICA. 25 

beings, concluding they were children of the Sun, who had de- 
scended to visit the earth. 

78. The Spaniards were as much amazed at the scene be- 
fore them. The trees, the shrubs, the herbage, were all dif- 
ferent from those which were of European growth. The cli- 
mate was warm, though extremely delightful. The inhabitants 
appeared in the simple innocence of nature, entirely naked. 
Their black hair, long and uncurled, floated upon their shoul- 
ders, or was bound in tresses round their heads. They had no 
beards, and every part of their bodies was perfectly smooth ; 
of a copper color ; their features not disagreeable ; of a gentle 
and timid aspect. They were well shaped and active. Their 
faces and bodies ^^'ere painted in a fantastical manner, with 
glaring colors. They appeared shy at first, but soon became 
familiar, and, with transports of joy, they received glass beads 
and other baubles ; in return for which they gave such pro- 
visions as they had, and some cotton yarn, the only commodity 
of value they had to trade with. 

79. In the evening, Columbus returned to his ships in com- 
pany with many of the islanders in their canoes, which they 
managed with surprising dexterity. Every circumstance re- 
lating to this first interview, between the inhabitants of the Old 
and New "World was conducted with harmony and satisfaction. 
The former, enlightened and influenced by ambition, formed 
vast ideas respecting the iuture advantages that would be likely 
to accrue from the discovery. The latter, simple and unsus- 
pecting, had no forethought of the calamities and desolation 
which were soon to overwhelm their country. 

80. Columbus, as admiral and viceroy, called the island San 
Salvador. It is, nevertheless, better known by the name of 
-Guanahani, which the natives gave to it, and is one of the Ba- 
hama isles. It is situated above three thousand miles to the 
west of Gomera, from which the squadron took its departure, 
and only four degrees south of it. Columbus employed the 
next day in visiting the coasts of the island, and from the gen- 
eral poverty of the inhabitants, he was assured that this was 
not the rich country which he sought. 

81. Having observed small plates of gold, which most of 
the people wore by way of ornament, pendent in their nostrils, 
he eagerly inquired ^\•here they found that precious metal. They 
pointed towards the south and south-west, and made him com- 
prehend by signs, that there was abundance of gold in coun- 
tries situated in that quarter. 

82. Animated with hope, he determined to direct his course 

C 



26 HISTORY OF 

thither, in full expectation of finding those wealthy regions 
which had been the main object of his voyage. With this view 
he again set sail, taking with him seven of the innocent na- 
tives, to serve as interpreters, who esteemed it a mark of dis- 
tinction when they were selected to accompany him. 

83. In his course he passed several islands, and touched at 
three of them, which he called Mary, Fernandina, and Isa- 
bella. But as the soil and inhabitants resembled those of San 
Salvador, he made no stay there. He inquired everywhere 
for gold, and was answered as before, that it was brought from 
the south. Following that course, he soon discovered a coun- 
try of vast extent, diversified with rising grounds — hills, rivers, 
woods, and plains. He was uncertain whether it would prove 
an island or part of the continent. The natives he had on 
board called it Cuba ; Columbus gave it the niame of Juanna. 
He entered the mouth of a large river with his squadron, and 
the natives all fled to the mountains as he approached the 
shore. 

84. Intending to careen his ships in that place, Columbus 
sent some Spaniards, together with one of the San Salvador 
Indians, to view the interior parts of the country. Having ad- 
vanced above sixty miles from the shore, they reported, upon 
their return, that the soil was richer and more cultivated, than 
what they had already discovered ; that besides scattered cot- 
tages, they had found one village, containing a thousand inhab- 
itants ; that the people, though naked, were more intelligent 
than those of San Salvador, but had treated them with the same 
respectful attention, kissing their feet, and honoring them as 
sacred beings, allied to Heaven ; that they gave them a cer- 
tain root, which in taste resembled roasted chestnuts, and like- 
wise a singular species of corn, called maize, that was very • 
palatable ; and that there seemed to be no four-footed animals, 
except a species of dogs that could not bark, and a creature 
resembling a rabbit, but smaller ; that they had observed some 
ornaments of gold among the people, but of no great value. 

85. Some of the natives accompanied these messengers ; 
they informed Columbus, as the others had done, that the gold 
he was so anxious about, was to be found to the southward ; 
often mentioning the word Cubanacan, by which they meant 
the inland part of Cuba : Columbus, ignorant of their pronun- 
ciation, believed the country he had discovered was a part of 
the East Indies ; and under the influence of this idea, he thought 
they spoke of the Great Khan, and imagined the opulent king- 
dom of Cathay, described by M. Polo, was not remote. 



AMERICA. 27 

86. The natives, as much astonished at the eagerness of the 
Spaniards for gold, as the Europeans were at their ignorance 
and simpHcity, pointed towards the east, where was an island 
called Hayti, in which that metal was more abundant. Colum- 
bus ordered his squadron to steer its course thither ; but Mar- 
tin Alonzo Pinzon, eager to be the first in taking possession of 
the rich treasure, which the island was supposed to contain, 
quitted his companions, and paid no regard to the admiral's 
signals to slacken sail, until they should come up with him. 
Retarded by contrary winds, Columbus did not reach Hayti, 
until the sixth of December. He called the port where he first 
landed St. Nicholas, and the island itself Espagnola, in honor 
of the kingdom by which he was employed ; and it is the only 
country that he discovered, that still bears the name which he 
gave it. 

87. As he could not have any intercourse with the inhabit- 
ants, who fled in great consternation, he soon left St. Nicholas, 
and sailed along the northern coast of the island : he entered 
another harbor, which he called Conception. Here he was more 
fortunate ; a woman who was flying from them was overtaken ; 
and afler treating her kindly, she was dismissed with presents 
of such toys as, to an Indian, were considered most valuable. 
When she returned to her countrymen, with her imagination 
heated with what she had seen, she gave such a flattering de- 
scription of the new-comers, at the same time producing the 
trinkets she had received, that they were eager to partake of 
the same favors. 

88. Their fears being removed, many of them repaired to 
the harbor. Here their curiosity and wishes were amply grati- 
fied. They nearly resembled the other natives they had already 
seen, naked, ignorant, and simple, credulous and timid to a de- 
gree, whicli made it easy to acquire an ascendant over them : 
they were led into the same error as the other inhabitants, who 
believed them to be more than mortals, descended immediately 
from heaven. They possessed gold in greater abundance than 
their neighbors, which they cheerfully parted with for bells, 
beads, or pins ; and in this unequal traffic, both parties were 
highly pleased, each considering themselves as gainers by the 
transaction. 

89. A prince or cazique of the country made Columbus a 
visit at this place. He appeared in all the pomp of Indian mag- 
nificence : he was carried in a sort of palanquin by four men, 
and a numerous train of attendants, who approached him with 
respectful attention. His deportment was grave, and stately ; 



28 HISTORY OF 

to his own people very reserved, but to the Spaniards open and 
extremely courteous. He gave the admiral some thin plates 
of gold, and a girdle curiously wrought after the Indian fash- 
ion. Columbus, in return, made him presents of small value 
to a European, but highly prized by the savage chief. 

90. The mind of Columbus being incessantly occupied with 
the prospect of discovering gold mines, he interrogated all the 
natives he met, concerning their situation. All his questions w^ere 
answered by their pointing to a mountainous country, which, 
in their language, was called Cibao, at some distance from the 
sea, towards the east. Struck with the name, he no loager 
doubted but that it was Cipango, a name by which Marco Polo 
distinguished the islands of Japan : this strengthened him in 
the erroneous opinion he had embraced, that the country he 
had discovered was a remote part of Asia. 

91. In full confidence of the rectitude of his opinion, he di- 
rected his course towards the east. He put into a commodious 
harbor which he named St. Thomas : this part of the country 
was governed by a powerful cazique named Guacanahari, who 
was one of the five sovereigns among whom the whole island 
was divided. He immediately sent messengers to Columbus 
with a present of a mask of beaten gold, curiously fashioned, 
and invited him to his town near the harbor, now called Cape 
Fran^ais. Columbus returned the cazique's civilities by a depu- 
tation of some of his own people ; who returned with such 
favorable accounts of the country and people as made Co- 
lumbus impatient for that interview which Guacanahari had 
desired. 

92. For this purpose he sailed from St. Thomas on the 
twenty-fourth of December, with a fair wind and smooth sea ; 
and as he had not slept for two days, at midnight he retired to 
take some repose, committing the helm to the pilot, strictly en- 
joining him not to quit it for a moment. But he, dreading no 
danger, incautiously gave the helm in charge to the cabin-boy, 
and the ship was carried away by the current, and dashed 
against a rock. The violence of the concussion awakened 
Columbus. He immediately went upon deck, and there he 
found all was confusion and despair. He alone retained pres- 
ence of mind. He immediately ordered some sailors to take 
a boat and carry out an anchor astern ; but they, instead of 
complying with the orders of their admiral, made off to the 
Nigna, about half a league distant. He then commanded the 
masts to be cut, but all his endeavors were too late ; the vessel 
filled so fast with water, that it was impossible to save her. 



AMERICA. 29 

93. The smoothness of the sea, and the timely assistance 
from the Nigna, enabled the crew to save their lives. The na- 
tives, as soon as they heard of tliis disaster, crowded to the 
shore, with Guacanahari at their head, and lamented their mis- 
fortune with tears of sincere condolence. But they did not 
rest satisfied with this unavailing expression of their sorrow ; 
they launched a vast number of canoes, and, under the direc- 
tion of Spaniards, rendered important services in saving the 
property of the wreck ; Guacanahari, in person, took charge 
of the goods as they were landed ; by his orders they were all de- 
posited in one place, and sentinels were posted to keep the mul- 
titude at a distance. 

94. Next morning tliis prince visited Columbus, who was 
on board of the Nigna, and, in the warmth of affection, offered 
all he had to repair his loss. Such tender assiduity and sin- 
cere condolence in a savage, afforded Columbus that relief his 
agitated spirits stood in need of. Hitherto Columbus had heard 
no account of the Pinta, and suspected that his treacherous as- 
sociate had set sail for Europe, that he might claim the merit 
of carrying the first tidings of the discoveries to Spain, and so 
far gain the attention of his sovereign as to rob Columbus of 
the glory and reward to which he was justly entitled. But one 
vessel now remained, and that the smallest and most crazy of 
the squadron : in which they wore compelled to traverse such 
a vast ocean, and carry so many men back to Europe. 

95. To remedy this last inconvenience, he proposed to his 
men the great advantages that would accrue by leaving some 
of them on the island, to learn the language of the natives, 
study their disposition, examine the country, search for mines, 
and prepare for the commodious settlement of the colony ; for 
which he proposed to return, and secure those advantages which 
it was reasonable to expect from his discoveries. To this pro- 
posal all his men assented, and many voluntarily offered to re- 
main behind. Guacanahari was pleased with the proposition, 
as he conceived that with such powerful allies, he should be 
able to repel the attacks of a warlike and fierce people he called 
Caribeans, who sometimes invaded his dominions, delighting 
in blood, and devoured the fiesh of those prisoners who unhap- 
pily fell into their hands. 

96. Guacanahari, as he was speaking of these dreadful in- 
vaders, discovered such symptoms of terror, as well as con- 
sciousness of the inability of his own people to resist them, that 
led Columbus to believe such a proposal would be very agreea- 
ble. Guacanahari closed instantlv with the proposal, and 

C2 



30 HISTORY OF 

thought himself safe under the protection of beings sprung from 
heaven, and superior in power to mortal men. 

97. The ground was marked out for a small fort, which was 
called, by Columbus, Navidad, because it was Christmas-day 
when he landed there. A deep ditch was drawn around it : the 
ramparts were fortified, and the great guns saved out of the 
admiral's ship were planted upon them. In ten days the work 
was completed ; the simple unsuspecting Indians labored with 
inconsiderate assiduity, in erecting this first monument of their 
own servitude. The high opinion the natives had of the Span- 
iards, was increased by the caresses and liberality of Colum- 
bus ; but while he wished to inspire them with confidence in 
their disposition to do good, he also wished to give them some 
striking idea of their power to punish and destroy such as pro- 
voked their just indignation. With this view, he drew up his 
men in order of battle, in view of a vast concourse of people, 
and made an ostentatious display of the force of the Spanish 
arms. 

98. These rude people, unacquainted with any hostile 
weapons but wooden swords, javelins hardened in the fire, and 
reeds pointed with the bones of fishes, admired and tremi3led ; 
the sudden explosion of the great guns, struck them with such 
terror and astonishment, that they fell flat to the ground, and 
covered their faces with their hands ; and when they beheld 
the effects of the balls, they were persuaded that it was impos- 
sible to resist men who came armed with thunder and lightning 
against their enemies. After giving such powerful impressions 
of the power and beneficence of the Spaniards, Columbus se- 
lected thirty-eight of his people to remain on the island ; and 
the command of these was given to Diego Arada, a gentleman 
of Cordova ; Columbus investing him with the same powers 
which he had himself received from his royal patrons, after 
furnishing him with every thing requisite for this infant colony. 
He strongly insisted on their preserving concord amongst them- 
selves, a prompt and ready obedience to their commander, and 
the maintenance of a friendly intercourse with the natives, as 
the surest means of their preservation. That they should cul- 
tivate the friendship of Guacanahari, but not put themselves in 
his power by straggling in small parties from the fort. He then 
took his leave, after promising to revisit them soon with a re- 
inforcement sufficient to take full possession of the country. 
He further promised to place their merit in a conspicuous light 
to the king and queen. 

99. Having thus taken every precaution to secure the colony, 



AMERICA. 31 

. he left Navidad on the fourth day of January, 1493, and steer- 
ing towards the east, on the sixth he discovered the Pinta, after 
a separation of more than six weeks. Pinzon endeavored to 
justify his conduct, pretending that he had been driven from 
his course by stress of weather, and prevented from returning 
by contrary winds. Cohimbus, though no stranger to his per- 
fidious intentions, as well as the falsehood he urged in his de- 
fence, was sensible that it was not a proper time for exert- 
ing his authority, and was pleased with joining his consort, 
as it delivered him from some uneasy apprehensions : he there- 
fore admitted the apology without difficulty, and restored him to 
favor. Columbus now found it necessary, from the eagerness 
which his men showed to visit their native country, and the 
crazy condition of his ships, to hasten his return to Europe. 

CHAPTER II. 

COLUMBUS RETURNS TO SPAIN. HE MAKES A SECOND VOYAGE. 

DISCOVERS DESEADA. 

100. On the sixteenth of January, 1493, Columbus directed 
his course to the north-east, and was soon out of sight of his 
•newly-discovered country. He had some of the natives, whorii 
he had taken from different islands, on board ; and besides the 
gold, which was the principal object of research, he had speci- 
mens of all the productions which were likely to become sub- 
jects of commerce, as well as many strange birds and other 
natural curiosities, which might attract the attention, and ex- 
cite the wonder of the people. 

101. The voyage was prosperous to the 14th of February, 
at which time they had advanced fifteen hundred miles, when 
the wind began to rise, and blow with increasing rage, till it 
terminated in a violent hurricane. Columbus's naval skill and 
experience were severely put to the proof; destruction seemed 
inevitable ; the sailors had recourse to prayers and to the in- 
vocation of saints, to vows dli#*«i»aBiifey- to every thing that 
religion -^WBgpdpib. suggests to 'the affrighted mind. No 
prospect of deliverance appearing, despair Avas visible in all 
countenances, and they expected every moment to be swal- 
lowed up by the waves. Columbus had to endure feelings pe- 
culiar to himself. He dreaded that all the knowledge of his dis- 
coveries would be lost to the world, and that his name would 
descend to posterity as that of a rash deluded adventurer, in- 
stead of being transmitted with the honor due to the author and 
conductor of the noblest enterprise that had ever been under- 



32 HISTORY OF 

taken. Reflections like these extinguished all sense of his own 
personal danger. More solicitous to preserve the memory of 
what he had achieved, than the preservation of his own life, 
he retired to his cabin, and wrote upon parchment a short ac- 
count of the voyage he had made, the course he had taken, 
and of the riches and situation of the country he had discov- 
ered, and of the small colony he had left there. 

102. Having wrapped this up in an oiled cloth, which he in- 
closed in a cake of wax, he then carefully put it into a cask, 
effectually stopping it to keep out the water, and threw it into the 
sea, in hopes that some fortunate accident might preserve a de- 
posit of so much importance to the world. Providence at length 
interposed to save so valuable a life : the wind abated, the sea 
became calm, and on the evening of the fifteenth they discov- 
ered land, which they soon knew to be St. Mary, one of the 
Azores, or Western Islands, subject to the crown of Portugal. 
There he obtained a supply of provisions, and such other things 
as he had need of. There was one circumstance that greatly 
disquieted him : the Pinta had separated from him during the 
hurricane ; he was apprehensive that she had foundered, and 
that all her crew had perished : afterwards, his former suspi- 
cions revived, that Pinzon had borne away for Spain, that he 
might reach it before him, and give the first account of his dis- 
coveries. In order to prevent this, he proceeded on his voyage 
as soon as the weather would permit. 

103. At no great distance from the coast of Spain, another 
storm arose, little inferior to the former in violence ; and after 
driving before it, during two days and two nights, he was forced 
to take shelter in the river Tagus. Upon application to the king 
of Portugal, he was allowed to come up to Lisbon ; Columbus 
was received with all the marks of distinction due to a man 
who had performed things so extraordinary and unexpected. 
The king admitted him into his presence, treated him with great 
respect, and listened to the account he gave of his voyage, with 
admiration mingled with regret. 

104. Columbus was now able to prove the solidity of his 
schemes to those very persons who, with an ignorance dis- 
graceful to themselves, and fatal to their country, had lately 
rejected them as the projects of a visionary adventurer. Co- 
lumbus was so impatient to return to Spain, that he remained 
only five days at Lisbon, and on the fifteenth of March he ar- 
rived at the port of Palos, just seven months and eleven days 
from the time he set out from thence upon his voyage. The 



AMERICA. 33 

inhabitants ran eagerly to the shore to welcome their rela- 
tions and fellow-citizens, and to hear tidings of their voyage. 

105. When the successful issue of it was known, when they 
beheld the strange appearance of the Indians, the unknown 
animals, and singular productions, of the newly-discovered 
countries, the effusion of joy was unbounded. The bells were 
rung, the cannons fired ; Columbus was received at landing 
with royal honors, and all the people accompanied him and his 
crew, in solemn procession, to church, where they returned 
thanks to heaven, which had so vvonderfully conducted, and 
crowned with success, a voyage of greater length, and of more 
importance, than had been attempted in any former age. To 
add to the general joy, the Pinta, on the evening of the day, 
entered the harbor. Ferdinand and Isabella being at Barcelona, 
they were no less astonished than delighted, with the unex- 
pected event : they sent a messenger requesting him, in terms 
the most respectful, to repair immediately to court, that fron^ 
himself they might receive a full detail of his extraordinary 
services, and discoveries. 

106. During his journey to Barcelona, the people flocked 
from the adjacent country, following him with admiration and 
applause. His entrance into the city was conducted, by order 
of Ferdinand and Isabella, with extreme pomp, suitable to the 
great event which added such distinguishing lustre to their 
reign. The people whom he brought along with him, the na- 
tives of the countries he had discovered, marched first, and by 
their singular complexion, the wild peculiarities of their fea- 
tures, and uncouth finery, appeared like men of another spe- 
cies. Next to them were carried the ornaments of gold, fash- 
ioned by the rude art of the natives, grains of gold found in 
the mountains and rivers ; after these appeared the various 
commodities of the New World and its curious productions : 
Columbus closed the procession and attracted the eyes of ail 
the spectators, who could not sufficiently admire the man whose 
superior sagacity and fortitude had conducted their country- 
men, by a route unknown to past ages, to the knowledge of a 
new country, abounding with riches, and as fertile as the best 
cultivated lands in Spain. 

107. Ferdinand and Isabella received him in their royal 
robes, seated upon a throne under a magnificent canopy. They 
stood up as he approached, and raised him as he kneeled to 
kiss their hands. He then took his seat on a chair prepared 
for him, and, by their majesties' orders, gave a circumstantial 
account of his vovage. He delivered it with that composure 



34 HISTORY OF 

and dignity, so suitable to the Spanish nation, and with that 
modest simplicity so characteristic of great minds, that satisfied 
with having performed great actions, seeks not an ostentatious 
display of words to set them forth. When his narration was 
finished, the king and queen kneeled down and oflfered up 
thanks to Almighty God, for the discovery of those new re- 
gions, from which they expected so many advantages to flow 
into the kingdom, subject to their government. 

108. Columbus was invested with every mark of honor, that 
gratitude or admiration could suggest, confirming to him and 
his heirs the agreement made at Santa Fe. His family was 
ennobled, the king, the queen, and the whole court treated him, 
on every occasion, with all the ceremonious respect usually 
paid to persons of the highest rank. An order was immedi- 
ately made to equip, without delay, an armament of such force, 
as might enable him to take possession of those countries which 
he had already discovered, as well as to search for those more 
opulent regions, which he still confidently expected to find. 

109. Columbus's fame now quickly spread over Europe, and 
his successful voyage had excited general attention. Men of 
science spoke of it with rapture, and congratulated one another 
upon their felicity, in having lived at a period when the bound- 
aries of human knowledge were so much extended. 

110. Various opinions were formed, concerning the new 
found countries, and to what division of the earth they belonged. 
Columbus erroneously and tenaciously adhered to his original 
idea, that they were part of those vast regions of Asia, com- 
prehended under the general name of India : this sentiment 
gained strength from the productions of the countries he had 
discovered. Gold was known to abound in India, of which 
precious metal he had brought some samples from the islands 
he had visited. 

111. Cotton, another production of the east, was common 
there. The pimento of the islands, he imagined to be a species 
of the East India pepper. He mistook a root, somewhat re- 
sembling rhubarb, for that valuable drug, which was then sup- 
posed to be a plant peculiar to the East Indies : the birds were 
adorned with the same rich plumage, that distinguishes those 
of India. The alligator of the one country, was considered as 
the crocodile of the other. After weighing all these circum- 
stances, the different nations of Europe adopted the opinion of 
Columbus ; they considered the countries he had discovered, 
as a part of India. 

112. The name of West Indies, was therefore given to them. 



AMERICA. 35 

by Ferdinand and Isabella, even after the error was detected, 
and the true position of the New World known : the name 
still remains, and the appellation of West Indies is given by 
all the people of Europe to the country, and that of Indians to 
its inhabitants. 

113. The specimens of riches and the productions of the 
new country which Columbus exhibited were very alluring ; 
and the exaggerated accounts of his companions, excited a 
wonderful spirit of enterprise among the Spaniards. Though 
unaccustomed to naval expeditions, they were eager to set out 
upon another voyage. Volunteers of all ranks were anxiously 
solicitous to be employed. The vast prospect which opened 
to their imagination, flattered their ambition and their avarice ; 
neither the danger, nor length of the navigation intimidated 
them. Ferdinand's natural caution gave way to the torrent of 
public opinion ; and he seemed to have caught the same spirit 
with his subjects. 

114. Another expedition was carried on with a rapidity un- 
usual to the Spaniards. A fleet consisting of seventeen ships 
was equipped ; some of which were of good burden : they had 
on board fifteen hundred persons, among whom were many of 
noble families, who had served in honorable stations. Most of 
these intending to remain in the country, were furnished with 
every thing necessary for conquest or settlement, with all kinds 
of domestic animals, and also seeds and plants, that were likely 
to thrive in the climate of the West Indies, together with such 
utensils as might be useful in an infant colony : and artificers 
were engaged to attend the expedition. 

115. But formidable and well provided as the fleet was, Fer- 
dinand and Isabella, slaves to the prevailing opinions of the 14th 
century, were not willing to rest their title to the possession of 
the newly-discovered countries until they applied to the Roman 
pontiflf who, in that age, was supposed to have a right of 
dominion over all the kingdoms of the earth. 

116. Alexander VI. filled the papal throne at the time : as he 
was born Ferdinand's subject, and solicitous to procure that 
monarch's protection, in prosecuting his ambitious schemes, in 
favor of his own family, he instantly complied with his re- 
quest. By an act of liberality which cost him nothing, he be- 
stowed upon Ferdinand and Isabella all the countries inhabited 
by infidels, which they had discovered, or should discover : and 
by virtue of that power which mtfmmiimit he derived from 
Jesus Christ, he vested in the crown of Castile a right to vast 



36 HISTORY OF 

regions, to the possession of which he was so far from having 
any title, that he was unacquainted with their situation, and 
even with their existence ; but that this grant should not seem 
to interfere with one he had made to the crown of Portugal, 
he appointed that a line supposed to be drawn from the north to 
the south pole, one hundred leagues to the westward of the Azores, 
should serve as a limit between them : and in the plenitude of 
his power, conferred all on the east of this imaginary line on 
the Portuguese, and all on the west of it upon the Spaniards. 
Zeal for propagating the Christian faith was the consideration 
employed by Ferdinand in soliciting this Bull, and is mentioned 
by Alexander to be his chief motive for granting it. 

117. Several friars, under the direction of Father Boyle, 
a Catalonian monk of great reputation, as apostolical vicar, 
were appointed to accompany Columbus in this second expedi- 
tion, who were to devote themselves to the instruction and con- 
version of the natives. Those who went to Spain with Columbus, 
after being imperfectly instructed in the Christian religion, were 
baptized with great solemnity; the king himself, his son, and 
the chief persons of his court, standing as their sponsors. 

118. Ferdinand and Isabella having now acquired a title 
which, in that age, was deemed completely valid, there was 
nothing that retarded the departure of the fleet. Columbus 
was impatient to revisit the colony he had left, and pursue that 
career of glory, upon which he had entered. He set sail from 
the bay of Cadiz on the twenty-fifth day of September, 1493, 
and steered farther towards the south than in tlie first expedi- 
tion : by which he enjoyed more steadily the benefit of the 
regular winds which predominate between the tropics, and was 
carried towards a large cluster of islands, situated considerably 
to the east of those which he had formerly discovered. 

119. On the second of November, 1493, he made land : it 
was one of the Caribee or Leeward islands, to which he gave 
the name of Deseada, on account of the impatience of his 
crew to discover some part of the New World. After this ho 
touched successively at Dominica, Marigalante, Guadaloupc, 
Antigua, St. John de Porto Rico, and several other islands, as 
he advanced towards the north-west. All these he found inhab- 
ited by that fierce race of people, whom Guacanahari had re- 
presented in such frightful colors. From them the Spaniards 
met with such a reception as convinced them of their martial 
and daring spirit ; and they found in their habitations the relics 
of those horrid feasts, which they had made upon the bodies 
of their enf^mies whom they had taken in war. 



AMERICA. 37 

120. Columbus, eager to know the state of the colony he 
had left, proceeded quickly for Hispaniola. When he arrived 
off Navidad, where he had left the thirty-eight men under the 
command of Arada, he was astonished that none of them ap- 
peared ; and expected every moment to sec them running with 
transporfs of joy to w^elcome their countrymen. Foreboding in 
his mind what had befallen them, he rowed instantly to land. 
All the natives, from whom he might have received informa- 
tion, fled at his approach. The fort which he had built was 
demolished, and the tattered garments, the broken arms and 
utensils scattered about it, left no room to doubt concerning the 
unhappy fate of the garrison. 

121. While the Spaniards were lamenting over the sad me- 
morials of their countrymen, a brother of the cazique Gua- 
canahari arrived, who gave Columbus a particular detail of 
what had happened after his departure from the island. The 
conduct of the Spaniards, and their familiar intercourse with 
the Indians, tended to diminish that veneration with which they 
at first inspired them. 

122. As soon as the powerful restraints, which the presence 
and authority of Columbus imposed, were withdrawn, the gar- 
rison threw off all subordination to the officer whom he had 
left in command. They roamed as freebooters through the 
country : the gold, the women, the provisions, were all the prey 
of these licentious oppressors : they extended their rapacity to 
every corner of the island. Gentle and timid as the inhabitants 
were, unprovoked injuries at length roused their courage. 

123. The cazique of Cibao, whose territories the Spaniards 
chiefly infested, on account of the gold which they contained, 
surprised and cut off several straggling parties. He next as- 
sembled his subjects, surrounded the fort, and set it on fire. 
Some of the Spaniards were killed in defending it, the rest per- 
ished in attempting to escape, by crossing an arm of the sea. 
Guacanahari, who still retained his affection for the Spaniards, 
took up arms in their defence, and received a w^ound, by which 
he was still confined. 

124. Columbus, although he entertained some suspicions 
of the fidelity of Guacanahari, considered that this was not 
a proper time to inquire into his conduct : he, therefore, 
rejected the advice of several of his officers, who urged him 
to seize the person of that prince, and revenge the death of 
their countrymen, by attacking his subjects. He considered it 
necessary to secure the friendship of some potentate of the 
countrv, in order to facilitate the settlement which he intended. 

D 



38 HISTORY OF 

Therefore, in order to prevent any future injury, he made 
choice of a more healthy situation than that of Navidad. He 
traced out the plan of a town in a large plain before a spacious 
bay, and made every person put his hand to a work on which 
their common safety depended ; the houses and ramparts were 
soon so far advanced by their united labor, as to afford them 
shelter and security. 

125. This being the first city founded in the new world, by 
the Europeans, Columbus named it Isabella, in honor of his 
patroness, the queen of Castile. Columbus had to sustain all 
the hardships in carrying on this necessary work, and encoun- 
ter all the difficulties to which infant colonies are exposed, when 
they settle in an uncultivated country : he had also to contend 
with what was more difficult and insuperable, the idleness, the 
impatience, and the mutinous disposition of his followers. The 
natural inactivity of the Spaniards, seemed to increase under 
the enervating influence of a warm climate. Some of them were 
gentlemen unused to bodily fatigue ; they had engaged in the 
enterprise with the sanguine hopes, excited by the splendid and 
exaggerated accounts of those who had returned with Colum- 
bus from his first voyage, conceiving the country was either 
the Cipango of Marco Polo, or the Ophir whence Solomon im- 
ported those precious commodities, which suddenly diffused 
such immense riches through his kingdom. 

126. But when, instead of that golden harvest, which they 
expected to reap without much toil or pains, they found their 
prospect of wealth was remote and uncertain ; and, if attained, 
it must be by slow and persevering efforts of industry ; the 
disappointment of their hopes occasioned such dejection of 
mind, as led to general discontent. In vain did Columbus en- 
deavor to revive their spirits by expatiating on the fertility of 
the soil, and displaying the specimens of gold daily brought in 
from the different parts of the island. Their patience was too 
much exhausted to wait the gradual returns of the former, and 
they despised the latter as scanty and inconsiderable. 

127. A conspiracy was formed, which threatened fatal con- 
sequences to Columbus, and the colony. Fortunately he dis- 
covered it, and seized the ringleaders ; some of them he pun- 
ished, and sent the others prisoners to Spain ; with these he 
sent twelve ships, which had served as transports, with an 
earnest request for a reinforcement of men, and a large supply 
of provisions. 

128. That the people might not have leisure to brood over 
their disappointments, and nourish a spirit of discontent, he 



AMERICA. 39 

sent them on several expeditions into the interior part of the 
country. One detachment he sent under the command of 
Alonzo de Ojeda, an enterprising officer, to visit the district of 
Cibao, which was said to yield the greatest quantity of gold ; 
and he followed with the main body of the troops. He dis- 
played in this expedition, all the pomp of military parade, in 
order to strike the imagination of the natives : he marched 
with colors flying, martial music and a small body of cavalry, 
that sometimes appeared in front, and sometimes in the rear. 
The horses were objects of terror, no less than admiration, to 
the Indians, who were unacquainted with that vast accession 
of power, which man had acquired by subjecting them to his 
dominion. They considered them as one animal with their 
riders : they were astonished at their speed, and deemed their 
strength and impetuosity irresistible. 

129. Notwithstanding this display of power, wisely intended 
to inspire the* natives with a high idea of the strength of the . 
Spaniards, Columbus did not neglect the art of gaining their 
love and confidence. He adhered strictly to the principles of 
integrity and justice, in all his transactions with them, and 
treated them, on every occasion, with humanity and indulgence. 

130. The district of Cibao was mountainous and unculti- 
vated : in every brook and river gold was gathered, either in 
dust or grains ; some of which were of considerable size. The 
Indians had never penetrated into the bowels of the earth, in 
search of gold ; they had neither capacity nor inclination to 
refine the rude ore ; these were operations too complicated for 
their talents or industry : neither did they wish to put their in- 
genuity and invention upon the stretch in order to obtain it. 

131. The Spaniards, however, no longer doubted that the 
country contained rich treasures in its bosom, of which they 
soon expected to be masters. The account of these promising 
appearances of wealth, in the country of Cibao, comforted the 
desponding colony, which was afflicted with distresses of vari- 
ous kinds. Food became scarce, and what remained was 
corrupted by the heat and humidity of the climate, so as to 
render it unfit for use. The ground the natives cultivated was 
insufficient for their own subsistence, and the Spaniards had 
neither time nor leisure, to reap any considerable fruits from 
their own industry. 

132. They now became afraid of perishing with hunger, 
and were reduced to live on a short allowance. Diseases, preva- 
lent in the torrid zone, began to spread amongst them ; alarmed 
at their violence and unusual symptoms, they exclaimed against 



40 HISTORY OF 

Columbus and the companions of his former voyage, who, by 
their exaggerated descriptions of Hispaniola, had allured them 
from their native country, to settle in a barbarous uncultivated 
land, to die either by famine, or of unknown distempers. These 
complaints came not only from the common people, but several 
officers and persons of note joined in these seditious com- 
plaints : Father Boyl, the apostolic vicar, was one of the most 
turbulent and outrageous. It required all the authority and 
address of Columbus, to re-establish order and tranquillity in 
the colony. But the prospect of wealth, from the mirics of 
Cibao, contributed to soothe the malcontents, which they hoped 
would be a recompense for all their sufferings, and efface the 
memory of past disappointments. When concord and order 
were in a good degree established, Columbus resolved to pursue 
his discoveries, that he might be able to ascertain whether 
those new countries with which he had opened a communica- 
tion, were connected with any region of the *earth already 
known, or whether they were to be considered as a separate 
part of the globe, hitherto unvisited. 

133. He appointed his brother, Don Diego Columbus, and a 
council of officers, to assist in governing the island in his ab- 
sence. To Don Pedro Margarita, he gave the command of a 
body of troops, with whom he was to visit the different parts 
of the island, and endeavor to establish the authority of the 
Spaniards. Having left them instructions with respect to their 
conduct, he weighed anchor the twenty-fourth of April, 1494, 
taking with him one ship and two small vessels. 

134. During this voyage, he experienced all the hardships 
to which persons of his profession are commonly exposed, and 
notwithstanding he was out five months, made no additional 
discovery, except the island of Jamaica, which appeared beau- 
tiful in the extreme. As he sailed on this unknown course, he 
was entangled among rocks and shelves, retarded by contrary 
winds, assaulted by furious storms, and alarmed with the thun- 
der and lightning, which is prevalent at certain periods between 
the tropics. To add to his distress, his provisions fell short. His 
crew, exhausted with fatigue and hunger, murmured and threat- 
ened ; and were ready to proceed to the most desperate ex- 
tremities against him. 

135. Danger appearing, in various forms, kept him on con- 
tinual watch, to issue every order, and superintend the execu- 
tion of it. At no time his skill and experience were more se- 
verely tried ; to these the squadron owed its safety. Though 
naturally of a vigorous and robust constitution, such unremitted 



AMERICA. 41 

fatigue of body, and intense application of mind, brought on a 
high fever, terminating in a lethargy, which considerably 
impaired his reason and his memory, and nearly deprived him 
of his life. In this dilemma, the crew determined to return 
with all possible haste to Isabella, which they effected in five 
days : Columbus recovered his senses, on the abating of the 
fever, but he remained a considerable time in a feeble state. 
Here, to his inexpressible joy, he found his brother Bartholo- 
mew, which greatly contributed to his recovery. It was now 
thirteen years, since the two brothers had separated, and during 
that space they had no intercourse with each other. 

136. Bartholomew, after concluding his negotiation at the 
court of England, had set out for Spain by the way of France. 
At Paris he first received the account of the discoveries his 
brother had made, in his first voyage, and that he was pre- 
paring to embark on a second expedition. This intelligence 
made him pursue his journey with the utmost dispatch : but 
Columbus had sailed before he reached Spain. 

137. Ferdinand and Isabella received him, with the respect 
due to the brother of a man, whose services and merit had 
rendered him so conspicuous : and as they knew what conso- 
lation it would afford Columbus, they persuaded him to take 
the command of three ships, which they had appointed to carry 
provisions to the new colony. 

138. Columbus never stood more in need of such a friend 
to assist him with his counsel, or of dividing with him the 
cares of government. For although the provisions, now 
brought from Europe, proved a temporary relief, from the ca- 
lamities of famine, the quantity was too small to last them 
long, and the produce of the island was insufficient to support 
them. They were also threatened with a danger more formida- 
ble than the return of scarcity ; and which demanded more 
immediate attention. 

139. When Columbus was absent from the island, on this 
last expedition, the soldiers under the command of Margarita, 
contemned all subordination, dispersed in straggling parties 
over the island, lived at discretion on the natives, wasted their 
provisions, seized their women, and treated those inoffensive 
people, with all the insolence of military oppression. While 
the Indians retained any hopes of their sufferings coming to an 
end, by the voluntary departure of their invaders, they sub- 
mitted in silence and dissembled their indignation : but, now 
that they discovered the yoke would be as permanent as it was 
intolerable ; self-preservation prompted them to assume cour- 

D2 



42 HISTORY OF 

age, and attack their oppressors with united force, and drive 
them from the settlements, of which they had violently taken 
possession. Such were the sentiments, which universally pre- 
vailed amongst the Indians, when Columbus returned to Isa- 
bella, from his last expedition. 

140. Inflamed, and justly irritated, by the outrages of the 
Spaniards, with a degree of rage, of which their gentle natures 
seemed hardly susceptible, they waited only for a signal from 
their leaders, to fall upon the colony. Some of the caziques 
had already surprised, and cut off several stragglers. The 
dread of impending danger united the Spaniards, and re-estab- 
lished the authority of Columbus, as they saw no prospect of 
safety, but in committing themselves to his guidance. 

141. It was now become necessary, to have recourse to 
arms ; an event, Columbus had anxiously wished to avoid. 
The vast superiority of the natives in number, compensated in 
a great measure their want of fire-arms ; one unforeseen 
event, might have proved fatal to the Spaniards. Conscious 
that success depended on the rapidity and vigor of his opera- 
tions, Columbus instantly assembled his forces, which were re- 
duced to a very small number ; two hundred infantry, twenty 
cavalry, and as many large dogs, were all the force he could 
muster, against, agreeably to the Spanish accounts, one hun- 
dred thousand Indians. Although it may seem strange, to 
mention dogs as composing part of a military force, they were 
perhaps as formidable and destructive as so many men in arms, 
when employed against naked and timid Indians. 

142. All the caziques of the island, Guacanahari excepted, 
who still retained an inviolable attachment to the Spaniards, 
were in arms to oppose Columbus. Instead of attempting to 
draw the Spaniards into the woods and mountains, they were 
so imprudent, as to take their station in the most open plain in 
the country. Columbus did not allow them time to perceive 
their mistake, or to alter their position. He attacked them 
during the night, and obtained an easy and bloodless victory. 

143. The noise and havoc made by their fire-arms ; the im- 
petuous force of the cavalry, and the fierce onset of the dogs, 
were so great, that the Indians were filled with consternation : 
they threw down their arms, and fled without making any re- 
sistance : many of them were slain, more were taken prison- 
ers, and reduced to slavery. From that moment they aban- 
doned themselves to despair, and relinquished all thoughts of 
contending with aggressors, whom they deemed invincible. 
Humanity must lament the sad reverse of that unhappy race, 



AMERICA. 43 

who had enjoyed the free and unmolested enjoyment of tlieir 
native woods ; their wants were supplied by the spontaneous 
productions of the earth ; but now an unknown race had in- 
vaded their country, and forced them to submit to exactions 
with which they were by no means enabled to comply, con- 
sistently with their ideas of perfect liberty. 

144. Columbus employed several months of this year in 
marching through the island, and in subjecting it to the Span- 
ish government, without meeting with any opposition. He im- 
posed a tax upon all the inhabitants above the age of fourteen : 
each person who resided in the district where gold was to be 
found, was obliged to pay, quarterly, as much gold dust as 
would fill a hawk's bill ; from others, twenty-five pounds of 
cotton were demanded. This served as a precedent for exac- 
tions still more oppressive. Contrary as these exactions were 
to the maxims which Columbus had hitherto inculcated, yet the 
intrigues carried on at the court of Spain at this juncture, with 
the manifest design to undermine his power, and discredit his 
operations, constrained him to depart from his own system of 
administration. 

145. Several unfavorable accounts of his conduct, as well 
as the countries, discovered by him, had been transmitted to 
Spain. Margarita and father Boyl were at court ; and, in or- 
der to gratify their resentment, watched with malevolent atten- 
tion for opportunities to spread insinuations to his disadvantage. 
Several others about the court viewed his growing reputation 
with envious eyes. Fonseca, the archdeacon of Seville, who 
was intrusted with the chief direction of Indian affairs, for some 
reasons not made public, listened with partiality to every in- 
vective. 

146. It was not easy for an unfriended stranger, unpractised 
m courtly arts, to counteract the machinations of such pow- 
erful enemies. There remained but one method to support his 
credit, and silence his enemies : he must produce such, a quan- 
tity of gold, as would justify his reports, with respect to the 
richness of the country ; the necessity of obtaining it, forced 
him not only to impose this heavy tax upon the Indians, but to 
exact payment of it with extreme rigor ; and furnished him 
with a plausible excuse for departing from that mildness and 
humanity with which he had uniformly treated the unhappy 
people. 

147. This imposition appeared the most intolerable of all 
evils ; accustomed to pass their days in a careless manner, this 
restraint upon their liberty was so grievous, that they had re- 



44 HISTORY OF 

course to an expedient to deliver themselves from a yoke, im- 
posed upon them by a handful of strangers, to whom they were 
under no obligations. They had recourse to an expedient for 
obtaining deliverance from this yoke, which demonstrates the 
excess of their impatience and despair. They agreed to sus- 
pend all agricultural operations, and thus hoped to starve their 
oppressors to death. 

148. They pulled up the manioc roots that were planted, 
and planted no maize ; and retired to the most inaccessible 
parts of the woods, leaving the uncultivated plains to their ene- 
mies. This desperate resolution produced some of the effects 
intended ; the Spaniards were reduced to great want ; but they 
received some seasonable supplies from Europe, and found so 
many resources in their own ingenuity and industry, that they 
suffered no great loss of men. 

149. The Indians were the greatest sufferers by this ill-con- 
certed policy. Shut up among barren mountains, without any 
food but the wild productions of the earth, and distressed by 
famine, contagious diseases were the consequence : and in the 
course of a few months, more than a third part of the inhabit- 
ants perished. 

150. Columbus now began to have serious thoughts of re- 
turning to Spain. His enemies had gained considerable influ- 
ence at court ; they represented his prudent care to preserve 
discipHne and subordination, as excess of rigor; the punish- 
ments he inflicted upon the mutinous and disorderly, were im- 
puted to cruelty ; and he was represented as inconsiderately 
ambitious ; these accusations obtained such credit in that jealous 
court, that a commissioner was appointed to repair to Hispaniola, 
to scrutinize the conduct of Columbus. 

151. By the influence of his enemies, Aguado, a groom of 
the bedchamber, was made choice of, upon this occasion ; a 
man whose capacity was by no means fit for the station. Puffed 
up with such sudden and unexpected elevation, Aguado dis- 
played all that frivolous self-importance and insolence natural 
to little minds, in the exercise of his office. He hstened with 
eagerness to every accusation against Columbus, and encour- 
aged, not only the evil-disposed among the Spaniards, but also 
tlie Indians ; by which partial conduct he fomented jealousies 
and dissensions in the colony, without establishing any regula- 
tions for the public good : and while he wished to load the ad- 
ministration of the admiral with disgrace, placed an indelible 
stain upon his own. 



t 



AMERICA. 45 

152. Columbus sensibly felt how humiliating his situation 
must be, if he remained under the control of such a partial in- 
spector. He therefore took the resolution of returning to Spain, 
in order to give a full account of his transactions, with respect 
to the points in dispute between him and his adversaries, before 
Ferdinand and Isabella. He committed the administration of 
his affairs during his absence to his brother Don Bartholomew, 
with the title of Adelantado, or lieutenant-governor ; and Fran- 
cis Rolclen, chiof juetico, with very pvfpnsive pOWCrS. 

CHAPTER III. 

COLUMBUS RETURNS TO SPAIN WITH GREAT TREASURES. 

HE SAILS ON A THIRD VOYAGE. ARRIVES AT TRINIDAD. 

3IUTINY OF ROLDEN. HE IS SENT AS A PRISONER TO SPAIN. 

OVANDO'S APPOINTMENT AS GOVERNOR. 

153. In returning to Europe, Columbus held a different 
course to what he had taken in his former voyage. He steered 
almost due east from Hispaniola in the parallel of twenty-two 
degrees of latitude : as he was unacquainted with the more ex- 
peditious method of stretching to the north, whereby he would 
have fallen in with the south-west winds. By this mistake 
he was exposed to very great fatigue and danger ; and had to 
struggle with the trade-winds which blow, without variation, 
from the east, between the tropics. 

154. He nevertheless persisted in this course with his usual 
patience and firmness, but made such little way, that he was 
three months before he came within sight of land. Provisions 
at last began to fail : they were reduced to the allowance of 
six ounces of bread a day for each person ; the admiral faring 
no better than the meanest sailor. 

155. In this extreme distress, he retained that humanit}^ 
which distinguished his character ; and refused to comply with 
the pressing solicitations of his crew to feed upon the Indian 
prisoners, whom they were carrying over ; others insisted that 
they should be thrown overboard, in order to lessen the con- 
sumption of provisions. He objected to their destruction, al- 
leging that they were human beings, reduced to the same calami- 
ties with themselves, and entitled to share an equal fate. These 
arguments, backed by his authority, dissipated those wild ideas 
suggested by despair : soon after, they came in sight of Spain, 
and all their troubles and fears vanished. 

156. Columbus, conscious of his own integrity, appeared at 
court with that determined confidence, which those who have 



46 HISTORY OF 

performed great actions, will always assume. Ferdinand and 
Isabella, ashamed of lending too favorable an ear to frivolous 
and ill-founded accusations, received him with such distinguish- 
ed marks of respect, as overwhelmed his enemies with shame. 
Their calumnies and censures were not heard at that juncture. 

157. The gold, the pearls, the cotton, and other rich com- 
modities which Columbus produced, seemed fully to refute the 
stories the malcontents had propagated with respect to the 

poverty of the oonntry. By roduoing tho Indiano to obodience, 

and imposing a regular tax upon them, he had secured to Spain 
a large accession of new subjects, and a revenue that promised 
much. By the mines which he had found out and examined, 
a source of wealth was still more copiously opened. 

158. Columbus represented these only as preludes to future 
and much larger acquisitions, and as an earnest of more im- 
portant discoveries. The attentive consideration of all these 
circumstances made such an impression upon Ferdinand and 
Isabella, that they resolved to supply the colony with every 
thing necessary to render it a permanent establishment, and to 
furnish Columbus with such a fleet, that he might proceed to 
make such discoveries as he meditated. 

159. A plan was now formed of a regular colony, that 
might serve as a model for all future establishments. Every 
particular was considered with attention, and arranged with 
scrupulous accuracy. The exact number of adventurers who 
should be permitted to embark was fixed : these were to be of 
different ranks and professions ; and the proportion of each was 
established, according to their usefulness and benefit to the col- 
ony. A proper number of women were chosen to accompany 
these new settlers. 

160. As a want of provisions had occasioned great distress 
in the colony, a number of husbandmen were to be carried 
over. As they had formed and entertained the most sanguine 
hopes with respect to the riches contained in the mines, a num- 
ber of artists were engaged who were skilful in refining the 
precious metals ; who were to receive pay from the govern- 
ment for a number of years. 

161. Thus far the regulations were well adapted to the end 
in view ; but as it was foreseen that few would embark to settle 
in a country that had proved so fatal to many of their coun- 
trymen, Columbus proposed to employ such convicts and male- 
factors who were convicted of crimes, which, though capital, 
were of a less atrocious nature ; and that, instead of sending 
them to the galleys, they should be condemned to labor in the 



AMERICA. 47 

mines which were to be opened. This advice was inconside- 
rately adopted ; the prisons were drained to collect members 
for the intended colony ; and the judges were instructed to re- 
cruit it by their future sentences. But they were not aware 
that such corrupt members would poison the body politic, and 
be productive of violent and unhappy effects. This the Span- 
iards fatally experienced, and other European powers imitated 
their practice, from which pernicious consequences have fol- 
lowed, and can be imputed to no other cause. 

162. Columbus easily obtained the royal approbation to 
every measure and regulation he proposed : but his endeavors 
to carry them into execution, were long retarded, and must 
have tired out any man of less patience than himself. Those 
delays were occasioned, partly by that tedious procrastination, 
so natural to the Spaniards ; partly by the exhausted state of 
the treasury, which at that time was drained by the celebration 
of the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella's only son, with 
Margaret of Austria ; and that of Joanna, their daughter, with 
Philip of Austria : but the chief source of all these delays, 
must principally be imputed to the malice of his enemies. 

163. These men, astonished at the reception Columbus had 
met with, and overawed by his presence, gave way, for some 
time, to a tide of favor too strong for them to oppose. Their 
enmity, however, was too strong to remain long inactive ; and 
by the assistance of Fonseca, minister for Indian affairs, who 
was now promoted to be bishop of Badajos, they threw in so 
many obstacles, that the preparations were retarded a whole 
year, before he could procure two ships, to send over a part of 
the supplies intended for the colony ; and near two years were 
spent before the small squadron was ready, of which he was 
to take the command. This squadron consisted of six ships of 
no great burden, and indifferently provided for a long voyage. 

164. He now meditated a different course from what he had 
before undertaken : still possessed with those erroneous ideas, 
which at first induced him to consider the country he had dis- 
covered, as a part of the continent of India : he expected to find 
those fertile regions to the south-west of the countries he had 
discovered. He therefore proposed, as the most certain course 
for finding out these, to stand directly for the Cape de Verd 
islands, until he came under the equinoctial line, and then to 
stretch to the west before a favorable wind which blows inva- 
riably between the tropics. 

165. Full of this idea, he set sail for his third voyage on 
the thirtieth of May, 1498, and touched at the Canaries, and 



48 HISTORY OF 

Cape de Verd islands ; from Ferro he dispatched three of his 
ships with a supply of provisions for the colony of Hispaniola : 
with the other three he pursued his course to the south. 

166. No remarkable occurrence happened until they arrived 
within five degrees of the line, when they were becalmed, and 
the heat was so excessive that the Spaniards were apprehensive 
the ships would take fire ; their fears were relieved by a shower 
of rain, but this did not much abate the heat. The admiral was 
so fatigued by unremitting care and loss of sleep, that he was 
seized with a violent fit of the gout and a fever. These cir- 
cumstances induced him to listen to the remonstrances of his 
men, and to alter his course to the north-west, that he might 
reach some of the Caribee islands, where he might refit, and 
obtain a fresh supply of provisions. 

167. On the first of August, the man stationed at the mast- 
head, surprised them with the joyful cry of Land ! Columbus 
named it Trinidad, \vhich name it still retains ; it lies near the 
mouth of the river Orinoco, on the coast of Guiana. This 
river rolls towards the ocean such a vast body of water, and 
with such an impetuous force, that when it meets the tide, 
which on that coast rises to an uncommon height, it occasions 
such a swell and agitation, as are both^ surprising and for- 
midable. 

168. Columbus, before he was aware of the danger, was 
entangled with those adverse currents, and owed his safety by 
boldly venturing through a narrow strait which appeared so 
tremendous, that he called it La Boca del Drago : no sooner 
had the consternation subsided, than Columbus drew comfort 
and consolation from a circumstance so full of peril. He 
wisely concluded, that such a vast body of water could not be 
supplied by any island, but must flow through a country of 
immense extent, and that he had now arrived at that country, 
which had been the main object of his pursuit. 

169. Full of this idea, he stood to the west along the coast 
of those provinces, now known by the names of Paria and 
Cumana. He landed in several places, and found the inhab- 
itants resembled those of Hispaniola ; they wore, as ornaments, 
small plates of gold, and pearls of considerable value, which 
they willingly exchanged for European toys. Their under- 
standing and courage appeared superior to the inhabitants of 
the islands. 

170. This country produced four-footed animals of difli?rent 
kinds, and a great variety of fowls and fruit. The admiral 
was so p^" h dehfjjhted with its fertility, that with the warm en- 



AMERICA. 49 

thusiasm of a discoverer, he imagined it to be the paradise de- 
scribed in Scripture, which the Ahnighty had chosen for the 
residence of man, while he was innocent and worthy of such 
possession. 

171. Thus, Columbus had the glory of discovering a new 
world, making considerable progress towards a perfect know- 
ledge of it, and was the first man who conducted the Spaniards 
to that vast settlement, which has been the chief seat of their 
empire, and source of their treasures. The weak situation of 
his ships, scarcity of provisions, and his own infirmities, to- 
gether with the impatience of his crew, made it necessary for 
him to steer away for Hispaniola. On the thirtieth of August, 
1498, he reached that island, and found the colony in such a 
situation, as left him no prospect of enjoying that repose, which 
he stood so much in need of. Many changes had happened, 
during his absence. His brother, the Adelantado, agreeably to 
former instructions, had removed the colony from Isabella, to 
a more convenient station, on the opposite side of the island, 
and laid the foundation of the town of St. Domingo. 

172. As soon as they were established in this new settle- 
ment, the Adelantado, to prevent the people from forming new 
cabals, marched into other parts of the island, which his bro- 
ther had not yet reduced to obedience ; as the people were un- 
able to resist, they submitted everywhere to the tribute im- 
posed. While the Adelantado was thus employed, an alarming 
mutiny broke out, among the Spaniards : the ringleader was 
Francis Roldan, who was placed by Columbus, to be the guar- 
dian of order and tranquillity, in the colony. 

173. The arguments he employed to seduce his countrymen, 
were frivolous and ill-founded. He accused Columbus, and his 
two brothers, of arrogance and severity. He insinuated, that 
they aimed at establishing an independent dominion in the 
country ; for this purpose, they designed to cut off part of the 
Spaniards, by hunger and fatigue, that they might, more easily, 
reduce the remainder to subjection ; he said, it was unworthy 
of Castilians, to be the tame and passive slaves of three Geno- 
ese adventurers. 

174. By these insidious means, strengthened by his rank, a 
deep impression was made on the minds of his countrymen, 
already prepared to receive unfavorable impressions. A con- 
siderable number made choice of him, for their leader, and 
took up arms against the Adelantado and his brother, seized 
the king's magazine of provisions, and endeavored to surprise 
the fort at St. Domingo. This was preserved by the vigilance 

E 



50 HISTORY OF 

of Don Diego Columbus. The mutineers were obliged to re- 
tire to the province of Xaragua, where they continued, not 
only to oppose the Adelantado's authority themselves, but ex- 
cited the Indians to throw off the yoke. 

175. Such was the distracted state of the colony, when Co- 
lumbus arrived. He was astonished to find that the three ships, 
which he had dispatched from the Canaries, had not yet ar- 
rived. By want of skill in the pilots, and the violence of the 
currents, they had been carried one hundred and sixty miles 
west of St. Domingo, and forced to take shelter in a harbor 
of the province of Xaragua, where Roldan and his seditious 
followers were cantoned. Roldan carefully concealed from the 
commanders, his insurrection against the Adelantado, and 
employed all his art to gain their confidence ; persuaded 
them to set on shore a considerable part of the new settlers 
whom they brought over, that they might proceed, by land, to 
St. Domingo. 

176. It required no great argument with those men, to es- 
pouse his cause. They were the refuse of the jails of Spain. 
These were familiarized to deeds of violence, and eagerly re- 
turned to a course of life to which they had been accustomed. 
The commanders of the ships were convinced, when it was too 
late, of their imprudence, and stood away for St. Domingo, 
and got safe into port a few days after the admiral. 

177. These ships brought but small relief to the colony, 
their provisions being much reduced by the length of the 
voyage. Roldan, by the additional force of his new associates, 
became extremely formidable, and extravagant in his demands. 
Columbus, filled with resentment at his ingratitude, and highly 
incensed at the insolence of his followers, yet appeared in no 
haste to take the field. He trembled at the thought of kindling 
the flames of civil war. He saw, with regret, that the preju- 
dices and passions which had excited the rebels to take arms, 
had infected those who still adhered to him, and rendered them 
cold in his service. He therefore chose to negotiate rather 
than fight. By a seasonable proclamation, offering pardon 
to such as returned to their duty, he made impressions on some 
of the malcontents. To those who were desirous of returning 
to Spain, he gave full liberty : and thus he softened the asperities 
of those who were disgusted with the country, and disappointed 
in their views. He soothed Roldan's pride, by promising to 
restore him to his former office ; and by complying with the 
commands of others, he satisfied their avarice. Thus gradually, 
and without bloodshed, after several tedious negotiations, he 



AMERICA. 61 

dissolved a confederacy that threatened ruin to the colony, and 
restored order and regular government. 

178. This mutinous disposition in the people prevented Co- 
lumbus from prosecuting his discoveries on the continent. As 
soon as his affairs would permit, he sent some of his ships to 
Spain, with an account of the voyage he had made, together 
with a description of the countries which he had discovered ; 
a chart of the coast along which he sailed ; also specimens of 
the gold, pearls, and other curiosities found there. At the same 
time, he transmitted an account of the insurrection in Hispa- 
niola. Roldan and his followers did not neglect to convey to 
Spain, by the same ships, an apology for their conduct, and 
recrimmated upon the admiral, and his brothers. 

179. Unfortunately for the honor of Spain, and the happi- 
ness of Columbus, Roldan gained the most credit at court, and 
produced unexpected events. The perpetual occupation and 
disquiet which the malcontents in the colony gave him, pre- 
vented him from attending to the machinations of his enemies, 
in the court of Spain. Several of these had embraced the op- 
portunity of returning to Europe, in the ships Columbus had 
dispatched from St. Domingo. 

180. Inflamed with rage at the disappointn^ent of all their 
hopes, their poverty and distress excited compassion, and gave 
their accusations the apjjcarance of probability, and made their 
complaints interesting. They teased Ferdinand and Isabella 
with memorials, containing an account of their own grievances, 
and charges against Columbus. Whenever the king and queen 
appeared in public, they were surrounded by a crowd of peti- 
tioners, demanding payment of arrears due to them, and ven- 
geance on Columbus, as the author of their sufferings. The 
admiral's sons were insulted wherever they met them, reproach- 
ing them as the offspring of a projector, whose fatal curiosity 
had discovered those pernicious regions which drained Spain 
of its wealth, and would prove the grave of its people. 

181. These endeavors to ruin Columbus, were powerfully 
seconded by that party of courtiers, who had always thwarted 
his schemes, and were stung with envy at his success and 
credit. Ferdinand listened with a willing and partial ear to 
every accusation : time had now diminished the first sensations 
of joy, which the discovery of the New World had occasioned, 
and fame alone was not sufficient to satisfy the cold and ava- 
ricious mind of Ferdinand. He considered Spain as a loser by 
the enterprise of Columbus, and imputed it to his incapacity for 
government, that a country abounding in gold had not yielded 



52 HISTORY OF 

a greater value to its conquerors. Even Isabella began to give 
way to the number and boldness of his accusers, and con- 
cluded that there must have been some occasion, on his part, 
that caused such complaints against him. This was no sooner 
known, than a resolution fatal to Columbus was taken. 

182. Francis de Bovadiila, a knight of Calatrava, was ap- 
pointed to repair to Hispaniola, with full powers to inquire into 
the conduct of Columbus ; and if he found the charge of mal- 
administration proved against him, to supersede him in the go- 
vernment. It was impossible for Columbus to escape condem- 
nation, when this preposterous commission made it the interest 
of the judge to find him guilty, 

183. Though Columbus had restored tranquillity in the 
island ; though he had brought both Spaniards and Indians to 
submit quietly to his government, yet the interested Bovadiila, 
without attending to the merit of those services, showed a de- 
termined purpose of treating him as a criminal. He seized the 
admiral's house in St. Domingo, when he was absent, with all 
his effects ; he rendered himself master of the fort, and the 
king's stores, by violence ; and required all persons to acknow- 
ledge him as supreme governor ; he set at liberty all the pris- 
oners confined by the admiral ; and summoned him to appear 
before his tribunal to answer for his conduct, sending him at 
the same time a copy of the royal mandate, by which Colum- 
bus was enjoined to yield implicit obedience. 

184. Columbus, though deeply affected with the ingratitude 
and injustice of Ferdinand and Isabella, submitted with a re- 
spectful silence to the will of his sovereigns, and repaired di- 
rectly to the court of that violent and partial judge. Bovadiila, 
without admitting him to his presence, ordered him instantly to 
be arrested, loaded with chains, and hurried on board a ship. 
Under this humiliating reverse of fortune, that firmness of mind 
which had hitherto supported him, did not forsake him. Con- 
scious of his own integrity, and solacing himself with the great 
things he had achieved, he endured this insult, not only with 
composure, but with a dignity that surprised and overawed his 
enemies. 

185. Bovadiila, to excuse his own conduct, and load Columbus 
with infamy, encouraged all persons, however infamous, to 
lodge informations, though false and inconsistent, against him; 
out of these Bovadiila collected materials to support an accusa- 
tion, which he transmitted to Spain, at the same time that he 
ordered Columbus and his two brothers to be carried thither in 
fetters : and added the cruel insult of confinintr the brothers in 



AMERICA. 53 

different ships, excluding them from that friendly intercourse 
which might have soothed them under such accumulated dis- 
tress. 

186. But although the Spaniards, in Hispaniola, approved 
of the arbitrary and cruel proceedings of Bovadilla, there was 
one man who still remembered how much his countrymen were 
indebted to Columbus ; and was touched with pity for the man 
who had performed such great actions. This was Alonzo de 
Vallejo, the captain of the vessel on board of which the admi- 
ral was confined. As soon as he was clear of the island, he 
approached his prisoner with great respect, and offered to re- 
lease him from the fetters with which he was so unjustly loaded. 
' No,' replied Columbus, with a noble indignation, * I wear these 

* irons in consequence of an order from my sovereigns ; they 

* shall find me as obedient to this, as to their other injunctions. 
' By their command I am brought into this situation, and their 
' command alone shall set me at liberty.' 

187. The voyage to Spain was fortunately very short. As 
soon as Ferdinand and Isabella were informed that Columbus 
was brought home a prisoner, in chains, they felt the necessity 
of disavowing all such inhuman proceedings. They saw that 
all Europe would be filled with indignation at such ungenerous 
conduct towards a man to whom they were so much indebted, 
and who had performed actions worthy of the highest recom- 
pense. Ashamed of their own conduct, and eager to make 
some reparation for this injury, as well as to efface the stain 
upon their own characters, they instantly issued orders to set 
Columbus at liljerty ; invited him to court ; and remitted mo- 
ney to enable him to appear there in a manner suitable to his 
rank. 

188. When he came into the royal presence, the various 
passions which agitated his mind, for a time suppressed the 
power of utterance. He at length recovered himself, and jus- 
tified his conduct by producing the fullest proof of his inno- 
cence and integrity : and exposed the evil designs of his ene- 
mies, who, not contented with having ruined his fortune, aimed 
a deadly blow at his honor and fame. lie was treated by Fer- 
dinand with decent civility ; by Isabella with tenderness and 
respect. They concurred in expressing their sorrow for the 
treatment he had so unjustly received, disavowing their know- 
ledge of it, and promised him protection and future favor. 

189. Bovadilla was instantly degraded, that all suspicion 
might be i*emoved from themselves, as authors of such dis- 
graceful and violent proceedings : yet thev neglected to restore 

E2 



54 HISTORY OF 

to Columbus those privileges before granted him as viceroy ; 
and which he so justly merited. Though willing to appear the 
avengers of Columbus's wrongs, a mean, illiberal jealousy still 
subsisted. To a man who had discovered and put them in pos- 
session of a country that was a source of envy to all Europe, 
they were afraid to trust : they retained him at court, under 
various pretexts ; and appointed Nicholas de Ovando, a knight 
of the military order of Alcantara, governor of Hispaniola. 
This ungenerous conduct exasperated Columbus to such a de- 
gree, that he could no longer conceal the sentiments which it 
excited. Wherever he went, he carried about with him the 
fetters with which he had been loaded. He had them hung up 
in his chamber, and he gave orders that when he died, they 
should be buried with him. 

190. Notwithstanding this ungenerous treatment of Colum- 
bus, the spirit of discovery continued active and vigorous. 
Roderigo de Bastidas, and John de la Cosa fitted out two ship.^ 
in company ; the latter, having served under Columbus in two 
voyages, was deemed the most skilful pilot in Spain. They 
steered directly for the continent, and arrived on the coast of 
Paria, and continuing to the west, discovered the coast of the 
province now called Terra Firma, from Cape de Vela to the gulf 
of Darien. 

191. Not long after, Ojeda, with Amerigo Vespucci, set out 
on a second voyage, and held the same course with the former, 
and touched at the same places. The voyage of Bastidas was 
prosperous and lucrative : that of Ojeda, unfortunate : but both 
tended to increase the ardor of discovery ; for, as the Spaniards 
became more acquainted with the extent of the American con- 
tinent, their ideas of its opulence and fertility increased. 

192. Before these adventurers returned, a fleet was equipped 
at the public expense, for carrying over Ovando, the new gov- 
ernor, to Hispaniola. His presence was very necessary, that 
a period might be put to the imprudent administration of Bova- 
dilla, which threatened the destruction of the colony ; and who, 
conscious of the injustice and violence of his proceedings 
against Columbus, made it his sole study to gain the favor of 
his countrymen, by gratifying their passions, and accomodating 
himself to their prejudices. 

1 93. With this intent he established regulations in every re- 
spect the reverse of those which Columbus had deemed essen- 
tial to the welfare of the settlement. Instead of that severe 
discipline, which was necessary to habituate the dissolute and 
corrupt members of society, and restrain them within proper 



AMERICA. 55 

bounds, he suffered them to enjoy such' uncontrolled liberty as 
led to the most extravagant excesses. So far from protecting 
the Indians, he gave a legal sanction to the oppression of that 
unhappy people. He divided them into distinct classes, and 
distributed them amongst his adherents ; reducing them to a 
state of complete servitude. 

194. The rapacity and impatience of the Spaniards after 
gold, was such, that in their pursuit of it, they neglected all 
other means of acquiring wealth. The Indians were driven in 
crowds to the mountains, and compelled to work in the mines, 
by masters who imposed their tasks without mercy or discre- 
tion. Labor so disproportioned to their strength and former 
habits of life, wasted that feeble race of men, with such rapid 
consumption, as must soon have exterminated the ancient in- 
habitants of the island. 

195. The necessity of providing a remedy for these evils, 
hastened Ovando's departure. He commanded the most re- 
spectable armament hitherto fitted out for the New World. It 
consisted of thirty-two ships, having on board two thousand 
five hundred persons, with an intention of settling in the 
country. 

196. Upon the arrival of the new governor, Bovadilla re- 
signed his charge, and was commanded to return instantly to 
Spain, to answer for his conduct. Roldan and the other ring- 
leaders of the mutineers, who had been so active in opposing 
Columbus, were ordered to leave the island at the same time. 
The natives were declared free subjects of Spain, by public 
proclamation, of whom no service was required, without paying 
them the full price of their labor. Various regulations were 
made, tending to suppress the licentiousness of the Spaniards, 
which had been so fatal to the colony. 

197. To limit the exorbitant gain which private persons 
were supposed to make by working the mines, an order was 
published, directing all the gold to be brought to a public smelt- 
ing-house ; and one half of it was declared to be the property 
of the crown; 



56 HISTORY OF 



CHAPTER IV. 

COLUMBUS SAILS THE FOURTH TIME FROM CADIZ. HE VISITS 

ST. DOMINGO. ALSO HONDURAS AND YUCATAN. SUFFERS 

SHIPWRECK. HIS DEATH. 

198. While these steps were taking for the security and 
tranquillity of the colony, Columbus was engaged in the fruit- 
less and unpleasant employment of soliciting an ungrateful 
court to fulfil its agreements ; and demanded, according to the 
original stipulation in the year 1492, to be reinstated in his 
office of viceroy over the countries which he had discovered ; 
but he solicited in vain. The greatness of his discoveries, and 
the prospect of their increasing value, made the jealous Ferdi- 
nand consider the concessions in the capitulation as extrava- 
gant and impolitic ; he inspired Isabella with the same senti- 
ments : and under various pretexts, equally frivolous and unjust, 
they eluded all the requisitions of Columbus to perform that 
which a solemn treaty bound them to accompHsh. 

199. After attending the court of Spain nearly two years, 
as an humble suppliant, at length he was convinced that he la- 
bored in vain. But even this ungenerous return did not dis- 
courage him from pursuing the great object which first called 
forth his inventive genius, and excited him to attempt discovery. 
To open a new passage to the East Indies was his original and 
favorite scheme. This continued to engross his thoughts ; he 
conceived an opinion that beyond the continent of America, 
there was a sea which extended to the East Indies, and hoped 
to find some ^^trait or narrow neck of land, by which a com- 
munication might be opened ; and from the part of the ocean 
already known, by a very fortunate conjecture, he supposed 
this strait or isthmus to be situated near the Gulf of Darien. 

200. Filled with this idea, though now far advanced in age, 
worn out with fatigue, and broken with infirmities, he offered 
cheerfully to undertake a voyage which would ascertain this 
important point, and perfect the grand scheme which, from the 
beginning, he proposed to accomphsh. 

201. Ferdinand and Isabella willingly came into the propo- 
sal : they were glad of some honorable employment that would 
remove from court, a man, wdth whose demands they were de- 
termined not to comply, and whose services it was indecent to 
neglect. Though unwilling to reward Columbus, they were 
sensible of his merits, they were convinced of his skill and 
conduct, and had reason to confide in his success. 



AMERICA. 57 

202. To these considerations there was a still more po\yer- 
ful influence. About this time, 1502, the Portuguese fleet under 
Cabral, arrived from the Indies ; and by the richness of its 
cargo, gave the people of Europe a more perfect idea, than 
they had hitherto been able to form, of the opulence of the 
East. The Portuguese had been more successful in their dis- 
coveries than the Spaniards. They opened a communication 
with countries where industry, arts, and elegance, flourished, 
and where commerce had been long established, and carried to 
a greater extent than in any region of the earth. 

203. Their voyages thither yielded immediate and vast 
profit, in commodities that were extremely precious and in 
great request. Lisbon became the seat of commerce and of 
wealth ; while Spain had only the expectation of remote benefit, 
and future gain, from the western world. 

204. Columbus's offer to conduct them to the East by a, 
route which he expected would be much shorter and less dan- 
gerous, was very acceptable to the Spaniards. Even Ferdinand 
was roused by such a prospect, and warmly approved of the 
undertaking. 

205. Notwithstanding the importance of the object of this 
fourth voyage, to the nation, Columbus could procure only four 
small barks ; the largest of which did not exceed seventy tons 
burden : accustomed to brave danger, he did not hesitate to ac- 
cept the command of this pitiful squadron. His brother Bar- 
tholomew, and his second son Ferdinand, the historian of his 
actions, accompanied him. 

206. He sailed from Cadiz on the ninth of May, 1502, and 
touched as usual at the Canary islands ; from thence it was his 
intention to have directed his course to the continent ; but his 
largest vessel was so heavy a sailer, and so unfit for the expe- 
dition, that he was obliged to bear away for Hispaniola, that if 
possible, he might exchange her for some ship of the fleet that 
had carried over Ovando. 

207. When he arrived off St. Domingo, he found eighteen 
of these ships ready loaded, and on the eve of their departure 
for Spain. Columbus immediately acquainted the governor 
with the destination of his voyage, and the accident which had 
obliged him to alter his route. He requested to enter the har- 
bor, not only that he might have permission to negotiate the 
exchange of his ship, but that he might take shelter, during a 
violent hurricane which he discerned was approaching : on that 
account he also advised the governor to put off the departure 
of the fleet bound for Spain. But Ovando refused his request 



58 HISTORY OF 

and despised his counsel. Under circumstances in which hu- 
manity would have afforded refuge to a stranger, Columbus 
was denied admittance into a country of which he had discov- 
ered the existence, and had acquired possession. He was re- 
garded as a visionary prophet, arrogating to himself the power 
to predict an event beyond the reach of human foresight. 

208. The fleet set sail, June 29th, 1502, for Spain : and the 
ensuing night the hurricane came on, with dreadful impetuosity 
and violence. Columbus alone, aware of the danger, took pre- 
cautions against it ; and saved his little squadron. The fleet 
bound to Spain met with the fate which the rashness and obsti- 
nacy of its commanders merited. Of eighteen ships, two or 
three only escaped. In this general wreck perished Bovadilla 
and Roldan, and the greater part of those who had been the 
most active in persecuting Columbus and oppressing the In- 
dians ; together with all the wealth which they had acquired 
by injustice and cruelty. It exceeded in value 200,000 dollars ; 
an immense sum at that period, and which would have been 
sufficient to screen them from punishment, and secure them a 
gracious reception at the Spanish court. 

209. One of the ships that escaped had on board all the 
effects of Columbus, which had been recovered from the wreck 
of his fortune. Historians universally attribute this event to 
an immediate interposition of Divine Providence, in order to 
avenge the wrongs of an injured man, as well as to punish the 
oppressors of an innocent people. The ignorant and supersti- 
tious formed an opinion, which they are apt to entertain with 
respect to persons acting in a sphere far above their com- 
prehension ; they believed Columbus to possess supernatural 
powers, and that he had conjured up this dreadful storm by 
magical art and incantations, in order to be revenged on his 
enemies. 

210. The inhospitable reception which Columbus met with 
at Hispaniola hastened his departure for the continent. He set 
sail July 14th, 1502, and after a tedious and dangerous voyage, 
he discovered Guanara, an island not far from Honduras. 
There he had an interview with some of the inhabitants, who 
arrived in a large canoe. They appeared more civilized, and 
had acquired more knowledge in the arts than any he had 
hitherto conversed with. 

211. In answer to the eager inquiries of the Spaniards con- 
cerning the places where they obtained the gold, of which their 
ornaments were made ; they directed them to the countries 
situated to the west, which they described as abounding in that 



AMERICA. 59 

precious metal, in such profusion, as to be made use of in 
common domestic materials. 

212. Instead of steering in search of a country so inviting, 
which would have conducted them along the coast of Yucatan, 
to the rich empire of Mexico; Columbus was so intent upon 
his favorite scheme of discovering an inlet to the Indian ocean, 
that he bore away to the east towards the gulf of Darien. 

213. In this navigation he discovered all the coast of the 
continent, from Cape Gracios a Dios, to a harbor, which for its 
beauty and security, he named Porto Bello. He searched in 
vain for an imaginary strait or inlet, through which he expected 
to make his way into an unknown sea : and though he went 
on shore several times, and advanced into the country, he did 
not penetrate so far as to cross the narrow isthmus which sep- 
arates the gulf of Mexico from the great southern ocean. 

214. He was, however, so delighted with the country, and 
conceived such an idea of its wealth, from the specimens of 
gold produced by the natives, that he resolved to leave a small 
colony upon the banks of the river Belem, in the province of 
Veragua, under the command of his brother, and to return 
himself to Spain, in order to procure what was requisite to ren- 
der it a permanent estabhshment. But the ungovernable spirit 
of the people under his command, deprived Columbus of the 
glory of planting the first colony on this continent. 

215. Their insolence and rapaciousness provoked the na- 
tives to take arms, and as they were a more hardy and warlike 
race of men than the inhabitants of the islands, they cut off a 
part of the Spaniards, and obliged the rest to abandon a sta- 
tion they were no longer able to maintain. 

216. This was not the only misfortune that befell Columbus : 
it was followed by a succession of disasters. Furious hurri- 
canes, with violent storms of thunder and lightning, threatened 
his leaky vessels with destruction : while his disconsolate crew, 
exhausted with fatigue, and destitute of provisions, were unwil- 
ling, or unable, to execute his commands. One of his ships 
was lost ; he was obliged to abandon another totally unfit for 
service ; and with the two which remained, he quitted that part 
of the continent, which, in his anguish, he named the coast of 
Vexation, and bore away for Hispaniola. 

217. New distresses awaited him in this voyage ; he was 
driven back by a violent tempest from the coast of Cuba ; his 
vessels ran foul of 6ach other, and were so much shattered by 
the shock, that with the utmost difficulty they reached Jamaica, 
where he was obliged to run them aground to prevent them 



00 HISTORY OF 

from sinking. The measure of his calamities seemed now to 
be full : he was cast on shore upon an island, at a considerable 
distance from the only settlement of the Spaniards in America : 
his ships were disabled beyond the possibility of repair. To 
convey an account of his situation to Hispaniola seemed im- 
practicable ; and wit"hout this it was in vain to expect rehef. 

218. His genius, ever fertile in resources, and most vigorous 
in those perilous extremities, when weak minds abandon them- 
selves to despair, discovered the only expedient which afforded 
any prospect of deliverance. He had recourse to the hospitality 
of the natives, who, considering the Spaniards as superior be- 
ings, were eager on all occasions to administer to their wants : 
from them he obtained two of their canoes ; in these, which 
were only fit for creeping along the coast, or crossing from one 
bay to another, Mendez, a Spaniard, and Fieschi, a Genoese, 
two gentlemen particularly attached to Columbus, gallantly 
offered to set out for Hispaniola ; a voyage of above ninety 
miles. This they accomphshed in ten days, after encountering 
incredible dangers, and such fatigue, that several of the In- 
dians, who accompanied them, sunk under it and died. 

219. The attention paid them by the governor of Hispaniola, 
was neither such as their courage merited, nor the distress of 
Columbus and his associates required. Ovando, from a mean 
jealousy of Columbus, was afraid of permitting him to set his 
foot in the island under his government. 

220. This ungenerous passion absorbed every tender senti- 
ment for the misfortunes of that great man ; and his own fel- 
low-citizens were involved in the same calamity. Mendez and 
Fieschi spent eight months in fruitless petitions, and in seeking 
relief for their commander and his associates. 

221. During this period, the mind of Columbus was agitated 
by various passions. For a time, the speedy deliverance expected 
from the success of Mendez and Fieschi's voyage, cheered the 
spirits of the most desponding ; after some time, they began to 
suspect that they had miscarried in the attempt, and at length 
they all concluded, that Mendez and Fieschi had perished. 

222. Hope, the last resource of the wretched, now forsook 
them, and made their situation appear more dismal. The only 
alternative that appeared, was to end their miserable days 
amor% naked savages, far from their native country and 
friends. The seamen, transported with rage, rose in open mu- 
tiny — threatened the life of Columbus, whom they reproached 
as the author of their calamities ; seized ten canoes, which he 
had purchased of the Indians, and, despising his remonstrances 



AMERICA. 61 

and entreaties, made off with them to a distant part of the 
island. At the same time, tlie natives murmured at the long 
residence of the Spaniards in their country. 

223. Like their neighbors, in Hispaniola, they considered 
the support of so many strangers to be an intolerable burden. 
They brought in provisions with reluctance, and with a sparing 
hand, and threatened to withdraw these supplies altogether. 
Such a resolution would have been fatal to the Spaniards : 
their safety depended upon the good- will of the natives ; and, 
unless they could revive the admiration and reverence with 
which these simple people had, at first, beheld them, destruc- 
tion appeared unavoidable. 

224. Though the disorderly proceedings of the mutineers 
had, in a great measure, effaced those favorable impressions, 
the ingenuity of Columbus suggested an artifice that completely 
answered his purpose ; and not only restored, but increased, 
the high opinion which the Indians had formerly conceived 
of them. 

225. By his skill in astronomy, he knevv' there v/ould be a 
total eclipse of the moon. He assembled all the principal |:>er- 
sons of the district around him on the day before it happened ; 
and after reproaching them for their fickleness in withdrawing 
their affection and assistance from men, whom they lately had 
revered ; he told them the Spaniards were servants to the great 
Spirit, who dwells in heaven, who made and governed the 
v/orld ; that he was oifended at their refusing to support men 
who were the objects of his peculiar favor, and was preparing 
to punish this crime with exemplary severity ; and that very 
night the moon should withhold her light, and appear of a 
bloody hue, as a sign of the Divine wrath, and an emblem of 
the vengeance ready to fall upon them. 

226. To this marvellous prediction some of them listened 
v/ith careless indifference, others with credulous astonishment ; 
but when the moon gradually began to be darkened, and at 
length appeared of a red color, all were struck v»'ith terror : 
they ran with consternation to their houses, and returning in- 
stantly to Columbus loaded with provisions, threw them at his 
feet, conjuring him to intercede witli the great Spirit to avert 
the destruction with v.hich they were threatened. Columbus 
seeming to be moved by their entreaties, promised to comply 
with their desire. 

227. The eclipse went o^\ the moon recovered its splendor, 
and, from that day, the Spaniards were not only profusely fur- 
nished with provisions, but the Indians avoided every thing that 

F 



62 HISTORY OF 

could give them offence, and paid a superstitious attention to 
them as long as they staid upon the island. 

228. During these transactions, the mutineers, enraged at 
their disappointments, marched to that part of the island where 
Columbus remained, threatening him with new dangers and in- 
sults. While they were advancing, an event happened more 
cruel and afflicting than any which he dreaded from them. 
The governor of Hispaniola, still under the influence of dark 
suspicions, sent a small bark to Jamaica, not to relieve Colum- 
bus, or deliver his distressed countrymen, but to investigate 
their condition. 

229. Fearing the sympathy of those whom he sent would 
operate too powerfully in favor of their countrymen, he sent 
Escobar, an inveterate enemy of Columbus, who adhered to 
his instructions with malignant accuracy : cast anchor at some 
distance from the island, approached the shore in a small boat, 
took a view of the wretched state of the Spaniards, delivered 
a letter of empty compliment to the admiral, received his an- 
swer, and departed. 

230. When the Spaniards first descried the vessel standing 
towards the island, every heart exulted, expecting the hour of 
their deliverance had arrived : but when the vessel disappeared, 
they sunk into the deepest dejection, and all their hopes were 
lost. Columbus alone, though he felt this wanton insult, re- 
tained such composure as to be able to cheer his followers : he 
assured them that Mendez and Fieschi had reached Hispaniola 
in safety ; and that they would speedily procure ships to carry 
them off; and as Escobar's vessel could not carry them all, he 
had refused to go, because he was determined not to abandon 
his companions in distress : — soothed with the expectation of a 
speedy deliverance, and delighted with his apparent generosity, 
in attending more to their preservation than his own, their 
spirits revived, and he regained their confidence. 

231. The mutineers were now at hand. All his endeavors 
to reclaim those desperadoes had no other effect but to increase 
their frenzy : their demands became more extravagant, and 
their intentions more violent and bloody : it became necessary 
to oppose them with open force. 

232. Columbus, who had been long afflicted with the gout, 
could not take the field. His brother, the Adelantado, marched 
against them. They quickly met. The mutineers rejected with 
scorn all offers of accommodation, and rushed on boldly to the 
attack. They were repulsed at the first onset, and several of 
their most daring leaders were slain. The Adelantado, whose 



AMERICA. 63 

strength was equal to his courage, closed with their captain, 
wounded, disarmed him, and made liim a prisoner. This dis- 
concerted the rest, who fled with a dastardly fear, equal to their 
former insolence. Soon afterwards they all submitted to Co- 
lumbus, and bound themselves by the most solemn oaths to 
submit to his commands. 

233. Hardly was tranquillity established, when the ships 
appeared, whose arrival Columbus had promised. With trans- 
ports of joy the Spaniards quitted an island in which the mean 
jealousy of Ovando had suffered them to languish above a year, 
exposed to misery in all its various forms. 

234. When they arrived at St. Domingo, on the 18th of 
August, 1504, the governor, with that mean artifice usually at- 
tending vulgar minds, that labors to atone for insolence by 
servility, now fawned on the man he had attempted to ruin. He 
received Columbus with the most studied respect, lodged him in 
his own house, and distinguished him with every mark of honor. 

235. But amidst those over-acted demonstrations of regard, 
the governor could not conceal the malignity latent in his heart. 
He set at liberty the captain of the mutineers, whom Columbus 
had brought over in chains, to be tried for his crimes, and 
threatened those who had adhered to the admiral, with a judi- 
cial inquiry into their conduct. 

236. Columbus submitted in silence to what he could not re- 
dress : but was impatient to quit a country under the jurisdic- 
tion of a man who had treated him with such inhumanity and 
injustice. His preparations were soon finished, and he set sail 
for Spain with two ships. Disasters still continued to accom- 
pany him ; one of his vessels was so disabled, as to be forced 
back to St. Domingo ; the other, shattered by violent storms, 
sailed 2100 miles with jury-masts, and reached, with difficulty, 
the port of St. Lucar. 

237. There he received an account of an event, the most 
discouraging that could have happened : this was the death of 
his patroness, queen Isabella, in whose justice, humanity, and 

-favor he confided, as his last resource. Not one was now left 
to redress his wrongs, or to reward him for his services and 
sufferings, but Ferdinand, who had so long opposed and so often 
injured him. To solicit a prince, prejudiced against him, was 
irksome and hopeless : but thus was Columbus doomed to em- 
ploy the close of his days. 

238. As soon as his health would permit, he repaired to 
court, where he was received with cold civility : he presented 
petition after petition, demanding the punishment of his op- 



64 HISTORY OF 

pressors, and the rights and privileges bestowed upon him by 
the capitulation of 1492. Ferdinand, by an infidehty pecuHar 
to monarchs, continued to amuse him with fair words and un- 
meaning promises : Instead of granting his claims, he pro- 
posed expedients in order to elude them. 

239. The declining health of Columbus, flattered Ferdinand 
with the hopes of being soon delivered from an importunate 
suitor, nor was he deceived in his expectations. Disgusted witli 
the ingratitude of a monarch, whom he had served with such 
fidelity and success, worn out with fatigues and hardships, and 
broken with the infirmities which these had brought upon him, 
Columbus ended his life at Valladolid, on the 20th of May, 
1506, in the 59th year of his age. He died with a composure 
of mind suitable to the magnanimity which distinguished his 
character, and with sentiments of piety becoming that supreme 
respect for religion, which he manifested in every occurrence 
of his life. 

CHAPTER V. 

ANACOANA CRUELLY TREATED BY OVANDO. BALBOA DIS- 
COVERS THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

240. While Columbus was employed in his last voyage, the 
colony of Hispaniola was gradually acquiring the form of a 
regular government : the humane solicitude of Isabella to pro- 
tect the Indians from oppression, and the proclamation, by 
which the Spaniards were prohibited from compelling them to 
work, retarded the progress of improvement for some time. 
The natives, who considered exemption from labor as supreme 
happiness, rejected, with scorn, every allurement by which they 
were invited to work. The Spaniards, accustomed to the ser- 
vice of the Indians, quitted the island ; many of those who 
came over v/ith Ovando, were seized with distempers peculiar 
to the climate ; and in a short time nearly a thousand of them 
died. At the same time, the demand of one-half of the pro- 
duct of the mines, claimed by the crown, was found to be such 
an exaction, that there was no one to be found who would en- 
gage to work them upon such terms. 

241. Ovando, to save the colony from ruin, relaxed the rigor 
of the royal edicts, and again distributed the Indians among 
the Spaniards, compelling them to work, for a stated time, in 
digging the mines, or in cultivating the ground ; to cover this 
breach of his instructions, he enjoined their masters to pay 
them a certain sum, as the price of their work. He reduced 



AMERICA. 65 

the royal share of gold found in the mines to one-fifth, and was 
so fortunate as to persuade the court to approve of these regu- 
lations. 

242. The Indians, after enjoying a short respite from servi- 
tude, now felt the yoke of bondage to l>e so galling, that they 
made several attempts to regain their freedom. This the Span- 
iards considered as rebellion, and took arms in order to reduce 
them to obedience : considering them not as men fighting in 
defence of their liberty, but as slaves, who had revolted against 
their masters. Their caziques, when taken, were condemned 
like the leaders of a banditti, to the most cruel and ignominious 
punishments; and all their subjects, without regard to rank, 
were reduced to the same abject slavery. Such was the fate 
of the cazique of Higuey, a province in the eastern extremity 
of the island. 

243. This war was occasioned by the perfidy of the Span- 
iards, in violating a treaty, began and concluded by them with 
the natives ; and was terminated by hanging up the cazique, 
who defended his people with a bravery that deserved a better 
fate. 

244. But the treatment of Anacoana, a female cazique, was 
still more treacherous and cruel. The province anciently called 
Xaragua, which extends from the fertile plain where Leogane 
is now situated, to the western extremity of the island, was 
subject to her authority. She, from that fondness with which 
the women of America were attached to the Europeans, had 
always courted the friendship of the Spaniards, and done 
them good offices. But some of the adherents of Roldan, hav- 
ing settled in her country, were so exasperated at her endea- 
voring to restrain their excesses, that they accused her of a de- 
sign to throw off the yoke, and destroy the Spaniards. 

245. Ovando, though he knew that little credit was due to 
such profligate characters, marched without further inquiry to- 
wards Xaragua, with three hundred foot and seventy horsemen. 
To prevent the Indians from taking alarm at this hostile ap- 
pearance, he gave out that it was his sole intention to visit An- 
acoana, to whom his countrymen had been so much indebted, 
and to regulate with her the mode of levying the tribute paya- 
ble to the king of Spain. 

246. Anacoana, in order to receive this illustrious guest with 
due honor, assembled the principal men in her dominions, to 
the number of three hundred, and advancing at their head, ac- 
companied by a vast crowd of inferior rank, she welcomed 
Ovando with songs and dances, and conducted him to the place 

F2 



66 HISTORY OF 

of her residence. There he was entertained for several days, 
with all the kindness of simple hospitality, and amused with 
games and spectacles usual among the natives, upon occasions 
of mirth and festivity. 

247. Amidst the security which this inspired, Ovando was 
meditating the destruction of his unsuspicious and generous en- 
tertainer, and her subjects ; and the manner in which he exe- 
cuted his scheme, discovered such meanness and barbarity, as 
must shock every lover of humanity. 

248. Under color of showing the Indians an European 
tournament, he advanced with his troops in battle array. The 
infantry took possession of all the avenues which led to the 
village, while the horsemen encompassed the house in which 
Anacoana and her chiefs were assembled. These movements 
were beheld with admiration, without any mixture of fear : 
until, upon a signal, the Spaniards drew their swords, and 
rushed upon the Indians, who were defenceless, and astonished 
at an act of treachery which exceeded their conception. An- 
acoana was instantly secured ; all her attendants who were in 
the house, were seized and bound. Fire was set to the house ; 
and without examination,, all those unhappy persons, the most 
illustrious in their own country, were consumed in the flames. 
Anacoana was reserved for a more ignominious fate : she was 
carried in chains to St. Domingo ; and, after the formality of 
a trial before Spanish judges, she was condemned, upon the 
evidence of those very men who had betrayed her, to be pub- 
licly hanged. 

249. The Indians, overawed and humbled by the destruction 
of their chief and principal men, submitted to the Spanish yoke. 
Ovando distributed them among his friends on the island. The 
exactions of their oppressors no longer knew any bounds : but 
barbarous as their policy was, and fatal to the natives, it pro- 
duced considerable consequences, by calling forth the exertion 
of a whole nation, and pointing it in one direction. 

250. The working of the mines was carried on with amazing 
success. During several years, the gold brought into the royal 
smelting-houses in Hispaniola, amounted annually to 460,000 
dollars, above one hundred thousand pounds sterling ; an im- 
mense sum at that time. 

251 . Although Ovando had treated tlie Indians with cruelty 
and treachery, he governed the Spaniards with wisdom and 
justice : he established equal laws, and executed them impar- 
tially ; he endeavored to turn the attention of the Spaniards to 
industry, more useful than searching the mines for gold. Some 



AMERICA. 67 

slips of the sugar-cane having been brought from the Canarie.^ 
by way of experiment, were found to thrive with such increase^, 
in the warm soil of Hispaniola, that the cuUivation of the cane 
became an object of attention : and, in a few years, the pro- 
duction of sugar was the most certain source of their wealth. 

252. But notwithstanding this prosperous appearance of the 
colony, a calamity impended, v/hich threatened its dissolution. 
The natives, on whose labor the Spaniards depended, wasted 
so fast, that the extinction of their whole race appeared to bo 
inevitable. When Columbus discovered Hispaniola, the num- 
ber of the inhabitants was computed to be at least a million : 
they were now reduced to sixty thousand in the space of fif- 
teen years. This amazing consumption of the human species 
was the effect of several concurring causes. The inactivity 
in which they were accustomed to pass their days, as it was 
the effect of their debility, contribute'd to increase it; their 
lood afforded them but little nourishment, and, taken in such 
small quantities, it was not sufficient to invigorate a languid 
frame, and render it equal to the efforts which industry and the 
avarice of their masters required. 

253. The Spaniards, without attending to those peculiarities 
in the constitution of the Indians, imposed such tasks upon 
them, that many sunk under the fatigue, and ended their 
wretched days. Others, in despair, cut short their own exist- 
ence with a violent hand. Diseases, of various kinds, com- 
pleted the desolation of the island. The Spaniards, thus de- 
prived of their slaves, found it impossible to extend their im- 
provements, or even carry on the works which they had already 
begun. 

254. Ovando, in order to provide an immediate remedy for 
an evil so alarming, proposed to transport the inhabitants of 
the Lucayo islands to Hispaniola, under pretence they might 
be civilized with more facility, and instructed to greater advan- 
tage in the Christian faith, if they were united to the Spanisli 
colony, and under the immediate inspection of the missionaries 
settled there. 

255. Ferdinand, deceived by this artifice, or willing to con- 
nive at an act of violence which policy represented as neces- 
sary, assented to the proposal. Several vessels were fitted out 
for the Lucayos, the commanders of v/hich informed the na- 
tives, with whose language they were now acquainted, that they 
came from a delightful country, in which their departed ances- 
tors resided, by whom they v/ere sent to invite them to par- 
take of that bliss which they enjoyed. The simple people lis- 



68 HISTORY OF 

tened with wonder and credulity ; and delighted with the idea 
of visiting their relations and friends in that happy region, fol- 
lowed the Spaniards with eagerness. 

256. By this artifice, above forty thousand were decoyed 
into Hispaniola to mingle their groans and tears with its na- 
tive inhabitants. The ardor with which the Spaniards pursued 
their operations in the mines, and the success attending their 
pursuit, seemed to have engrossed their whole attention : no 
enterprise of any moment had been undertaken since the last 
voyage of Columbus. But the rapid decrease of the Indians 
rendered it impossible to acquire wealth v/ith the same facility as 
formerly ; they began to form new schemes of aggrandizement, 
and the spirit of discovering new countries revived. 

257. Juan Ponce de Leon, who commanded under Ovando 
in the eastern district of Hispaniola, passed over to the island 
of St. John de Puerto Rico, which Columbus had discovered 
',n his second voyage, and penetrated into the interior part ol" 
the country. As he found the soil fertile, and expected from 
the information of the inhabitants, to discover gold mines in the 
mountains, Ovando permitted him to make a settlement. It 
V, as easily eifected by that officer, who was eminent for his 
conduct and courage. 

258. In a few years, Puerto Rico was subjected to the 
Spanish government; the natives were reduced to servitude, 
and treated with the same inconsiderate rigor as those of His- 
paniola ; and therefore soon exterminated. 

259. About this time, Juan Diaz de Solis, in conjunction 
with Vincent Yanez Pinzon, one of Columbus's original com- 
panions, made a voyage to the continent. They held the same 
course which Columbus had taken, as far as the island of 
Guanaios ; but, standing from thence to the west, discovered a 
new and extensive province, afterwards known by the name of 
Yucatan, and proceeded along the coast of that country. 

260. This led to discoveries of greater importance. Sebas- 
tian de Ocampo, by the command of Ovando, sailed round 
Cuba, and first discovered that this country, which Columbus 
once supposed to be a part of the continent, was a large 
island. This was one of the last occurrences of Ovando's ad- 
ministration. 

261. Ever since the death of Columbus, his son Don Diego, 
liad been employed in soliciting Ferdinand to grant him the 
offices of viceroy and admiral, in the New World, together 
with all the other immunities and profits, which descended to 
liim by inheritance, in consequence of the original capitula- 



AMERICA. 69 

tion with his father. But if these dignities and revenues ap- 
peared so considerable to Ferdinand, that at the expense of 
being deemed unjust as well as ungrateful, he had wrested thern 
from Columbus, it is not surprising that he should withhold 
them from the son. 

262. Don Diego, after wasting two years in fruitless solici- 
tation, brought his suit against Ferdinand, before the council 
that managed Indian affairs ; and that court, with an integrity 
which reflects the greatest honor upon its proceedings, decided 
against the king ; confirmed Don Diego's claim of the vice- 
royalty, and all the other privileges, stipulated in tlic original 
contract. 

263. The sentence of the council of the Indies, gave him a 
title to a rank so elevated, and a fortune so opulent, that he 
found no difficulty in concluding a marriage with Donna 
Maria, daughter of Don Ferdinand de Toledo, great commen- 
dator of Leon, and brother of the duke of Alva, a grandee 
of the first rank, and nearly related to the king. The duke 
and his family so warmly espoused the cause of their new ally, 
that Ferdinand could not resist their solicitations. He recalled 
Ovando, and appointed Don Diego his successor, in 1509: in 
conferring this favor, he could not conceal his jealousy ; 
for he allowed him only to assume the title of governor, and 
not that of viceroy, which had been adjudged to him. 

264. He soon repaired to Hispaniola, attended by his bro- 
ther, his uncles, his wife, whom the courtesy of the Span- 
iards honored with the title of vice-queen, and a numerous 
retinue of persons of both sexes, descended of good families. 
He lived with a splendor and magnificence, hitherto unknov/n 
in the New World; and the family of Columbus seemed now 
to enjoy the honors and rewards due to his superior genius, 
and of which he himself had been cruelly defrauded. 

265. The colony acquired new lustre by the accession of so 
many inhabitants of a different rank and character, from 
those who had hitherto emigrated to America ; and many of 
the most illustrious families, in the Spanish settlements, are de- 
scended from the persons who attended Don Diego at that 
time. Though it was above ten years since Columbus had 
discovered the main land of America, yet the Spaniards had 
hitherto made no settlement in any part of it. At length, 
an idea of a settlement was formed by Alonzo de Ojeda, who 
had formerly made two voyages as a discoverer, by which he 
acquired considerable reputation, but not wealth ; his character 
for intrepidity and conduct, easily procured him associates. 



70 HISTORY OF 

who advanced the money requisite to defray the charges of the 
expedition. 

266. About the same time, Diego de Nicuessa, who had ac- 
quired a large fortune in Hispaniola, revived the spirit of his 
countrymen. Ferdinand encouraged both ; and though he 
refused to advance the smallest sum, was very liberal of titles 
and patents. He erected two governments on the continent ; 
one extending from the Cape de Vela, to the gulf of Darien, 
and the other from that to Cape Gracias a Dios. The former 
was given to Ojeda, the latter to Nicuessa. 

267. Ojeda fitted out a ship and two brigantines, with three 
hundred men ; Nicuessa, six vessels, with seven hundred and 
eighty men. They sailed about the same time from St. 
Domingo, for their respective governments. There is not in 
the history of mankind, any thing more singular or extrava- 
gant, than the form and ceremony they made use of in taking 
possession of the country. They endeavored to convince the 
natives of the articles of the Christian faith, and in particular, 
of the jurisdiction of the pope over all the kingdoms of the 
earth ; and that he had granted their country to the king of 
Spain : they required them to submit to his authority, and em- 
brace the Catholic religion. If they refused to comply, Ojeda 
and Nicuessa were authorized to attack with sword and fire ; 
to reduce them, their wives, and children to a state of ser- 
vitude, and compel them, by force, to submit to the authority 
of the king, and jurisdiction of the church. 

268. The Indians of the continent, spurned, with indigna- 
tion, propositions so extravagant : they could not comprehend 
how a foreign priest, of whom they had no knowledge, could 
have a right to dispose of their country ; or how a prince, al- 
together a stranger to them, should claim the right of com- 
manding them as his subjects. They turned to ridicule such 
extravagant proposals, and fiercely opposed the new invaders 
of their territories. Ojeda and Nicuessa endeavored to effect 
by force what they could not accomplish by persuasion. 

269. They found the natives of the continent different from 
their countrymen in the islands ; they were fierce and brave. 
Their arrows were dipped in poison so deadly, that every 
wound was followed with certain death. In one encounter, 
they cut off seventy of Ojeda's followers, and the Spaniards 
were, for the first time, taught to dread the inhabitants of the 
New World. Nothing could soften their ferocity. Though the 
Spaniards practised every art to soothe them, and gain their 
confidence, they refused to hold any intercourse or exchange 



AMERICA. 71 

any friendly office : they considered them as enemies come to 
deprive them of their liberty and independence. 

270. Though the Spaniards received two considerable rein- 
forcements, the greater part of those engaged in the unhappy * 
enterprise, perished in less than a year. A few, who survived, 
settled a feeble colony, at Santa Maria el Antigua, on the gulf 
of Darien, under the command of Vasco Nugnez de Balboa, 
who, in the most desperate extremities, displayed such courage 
and conduct, as gained him the confidence of his countrymen, 
and marked him as a leader, in more splendid and successful 
undertakings : nor was he the only adventurer who will ap- 
pear with lustre in more important scenes. 

271. Francis Pizarro, who was one of Ojeda's companions, 
afterwards performed many extraordinary actions. Ferdinand 
Cortes, whose name became still more famous, had engaged 
early in this enterprise, which roused all the active youth of 
Hispaniola to arms ; but the good fortune which attended him 
in his subsequent adventures, interposed to save him from the 
disasters to which his companions were exposed. He was 
taken ill at St. Domingo, before the departure of the fleet, and 
there detained by a serious indisposition. 

■ 272. The unfortunate issue of this expedition in 1511, did 
not deter the Spaniards, from engaging in new schemes of a 
similar nature. Don Diego Columbus proposed to conquer the 
island of Cuba, and to establish a colony there : many persons of 
distinction in Hispaniola entered into the measure. 

273. The command of the troops sent on this expedition, was 
given to Diego Velasquez, one of his father's companions in 
his second voyage, whose ample fortune, long residence in 
Hispaniola, and reputation for probity and prudence, qualified 
him for conducting an expedition of importance. Three hun- 
dred men were deemed sufficient for the conquest of an island, 
seven hundred miles in length, and filled with inhabitants. But 
as they were the same unwarlike people as those of Hispaniola, 
the undertaking was not very hazardous. 

274. The only obstruction the Spaniards met with, was 
from Hatuey, a cazique who had fled from Hispaniola and taken 
possession of the eastern extremity of Cuba. He stood upon 
the defensive when they first landed, and endeavored to drive 
them back to their ships : but his feeble troops were soon broken 
and dispersed ; he himself made prisoner : and condemned to 
the flames. While he was fastened to the stake, a Franciscan 
friar, laboring to convert him, promised him the immediate 
joys of heaven, if he would embrace the Christian fuith ; " Are 



72 HISTORY OF 

there any Spaniards," said he, after some pause, " in that 
region of bliss which you describe ?" " Yes," replied the 
jnonk, " but only such as are worthy and good." " The best of 
them," replied the indignant cazique, " have neither worth nor 
goodness : I will not go to a place where I may meet one of 
that accursed race." With this dreadful example, the natives 
were so intimidated, that they submitted to their invaders ; and 
Velasquez, without the loss of one man, annexed this large and 
fertile island to the Spanish monarchy* 

275. Juan Ponce de Leon, about the year 1512, discovered 
Florida ; he attempted to land in different places, but was re- 
pulsed with such vigor by the natives, as convinced him that 
an increase of force was necessary, to make a settlement with 
safety. But the primary object which induced him to under- 
take this voyage, was a tradition that prevailed among tlie na- 
tives of Porto Rico, that in the island o.f Bimini, there was a 
fountain of such wonderful virtue, as to renew youth, and recall 
the strength and vigor of every person who bathed in it. That 
a tale so incredible should gain belief, among simple uninstructed 
Indians is not surprising ; but that it should make an impression 
on an enlightened people, appears, in the present age, altogether 
incredible. The tale is entitled to credibility, for the most au- 
thentic Spanish historians mention this extravagant idea of 
their credulous countrymen. 

276. Soon after the expedition to Florida, a discovery of 
much greater consequence was made in another part of Ame- 
rica. Balboa having been raised to the government of Santa 
Maria in. Darien, made frequent inroads into the adjacent coun- 
try. In one of these excursions, the Spaniards contended with 
such eagerness about the division of some gold, that they v/ere 
upon the point of proceeding to violence. A young cazique, 
astonished at the high value they set upon a thing of which he 
did not discern the use, tumbled the gold out of the balance 
with indignation ; and turning to the Spaniards, " Why do you 
quarrel," said he, " about such a trifle ? if you are so fond of 
gold as to abandon your own country, and to disturb the tran- 
quillity of other nations for its sake, I will conduct you to a re- 
gion where this metal is in such abundance, that the most com- 
mon utensils are made of it." Transported with what they 
Jieard, Balboa and the rest inquired eagerly where this country 
lay, and how ihey might arrive at it. He informed them, that 
at the distance of six suns, that is of six days' journey, they 
should discover another ocean, near to which this wealthy 
kingdom \v'as situated ; but he told them, i[ they intended to 



AMERICA. 73 

attack that powerful state, they must have forces far supe- 
rior in number and strength to those with which they now 
appeared. 

277. Baiboa had now before him objects equal to his bound- 
less ambition, and the ardor of his genius ; but previous ar- 
rangements and preparations were requisite to insure success. 
It was his primary object to secure the friendship of the neigh- 
boring caziques ; he sent some of his officers to Hispaniola 
with a large quantity of gold. By a proper distribution of 
this, they secured the favor of the governor, and allured vol- 
unteers into the service. A reinforcement from that island 
joined him, and then he attempted a discovery. 

278. The isthmus of Daricn is not above sixty miles in 
breadth ; thb neck of land, strengthened by a chain of lofty 
mountains, stretching through its whole extent, binds together 
the continents of North and South America, and forms a 
sufficient barrier to resist the impulse of two opposite oceans. 
The mountains are covered with forests almost inaccessible : 
the low lands are marshy and frequently overflowed, so that 
the Indians find it necessary, in many places, to build their 
huts on trees, to avoid the damps from the soil, and the odious 
reptiles which breed in the putrid waters. 

279. To march across this unexplored country with Indian 
guides, of whose fidelity they were doubtful, was the boldest 
enterprise undertaken by the Spaniards, since the first discovery 
of the New World. But the intrepidity and prudent conduct 
of Balboa surmounted every obstacle. With only one hundred 
and ninety men, and some of those fierce dogs, which were no 
less formidable to their naked enemies, and one thousand In- 
dians, to carry their provisions, they set out on this expedition, 
in the year 1513. 

280. No sooner did he begin to advance, than he was re- 
tarded by many obstacles, which he had reason to apprehend, 
irom the nature of the country, and the hostility of its inhab- 
itants. Some of the caziques fled, at his approach, with all 
their people, to the mountains. Others collected their subjects 
in order to oppose his progress. 

281. When they had penetrated a considerable distance into 
the mountains, a bold cazique appeared in a narrow pass, 
with a numerous body of troops, to oppose them. The Span- 
iards, who had surmounted so many obstacles, despised the 
opposition of such feeble enemies. They attacked them with 
such impetuosity, that the Indians gave way at the first onset, 
and many of them were slain ; after which the Spaniards con- 

G 



74 HISTORY OF 

tinued their march. Though their guide had told them it was 
but six days' journey across the isthmus, yet when they had 
been twenty-five days in forcing their way through the woods, 
many of them were ready to sink under the fatigues they had 
undergone, and all began to be impatient to reach the period 
of their sufferings : at length the Indians assured them that from 
the top of the next mountain they could discover the ocean 
w hich was the object of their wishes. 

282. When they had, with infinite toil, ascended the greater 
part of that steep ascent, Balboa commanded his men to halt, 
and he alone advanced to the summit, that he might be the first 
to behold a spectacle which he had so long been in quest of. 
As soon as he beheld the South Sea stretching in endless pros- 
pect below him, he fell on his knees, and lifting up his eyes to 
Heaven, returned thanks to God, who had conducted him to a 
discovery so beneficial to his country, and so honorable to him- 
self. His followers, observing his transports, rushed forward 
to join in his wonder, exultation, and gratitude. 

283. They descended with alacrity to the shore, and Balboa 
advancing up to his middle in the waves, with his buckler and 
sword, took possession of that ocean in the name of the king 
his master, and vowed to defend it against all his enemies. 
That part of the great Pacific or Southern ocean which Bal- 
boa first discovered, still retains the name of the gulf of St. 
Michael, which he gave it : it is situated to the east of Pa- 
nama. 

284. From several of the petty princes, who governed in 
districts adjacent to that gulf, Balboa levied provisions and 
gold, by force of arms. Others supplied him voluntarily. To 
these acceptable presents some of the caziques added some valu- 
able pearls ; and he learned from them that pearl oysters abound- 
ed in the ocean he had discovered. The people on the coast 
of the South Sea concurred in informing him that there was a 
mighty and wealthy kingdom situated eastwardly, the inhabit- 
ants of which made use of tame animals to carry their bur- 
dons. They drew upon the sand the figure of the lamas, or 
sheep which the Peruvians had taught to perform such services 
as they described. 

285. Balboa led his followers back by a different route, that 
he might acquire a better knowledge of the isthmus. This 
route he found no less dangerous and difficult than that which 
he had already taken ; but, elated with success, he surmounted 
every difficulty, and returned to Santa Maria in safety. 

286. In this expedition, none of Balboa's officers distin- 



AMERICA. 75 

guished themselves more than Francis Pizarro, in opening a 
communication with those countries, in which he afterwards 
acted such an illustrious part. The first care of Balboa was 
to send information to Spain of the discovery he had made, 
and to demand a reinforcement of a thousand men to attempt 
the conquest of that opulent country, concerning which he had 
received such inviting intelligence from the Indian natives. 

287. The first account of the discovery of the New World 
did not excite greater sensations of joy than that of a passage 
being at last discovered to the great Southern ocean ; through 
which a passage to the East Indies, by a line westward of the 
line of demarcation drawn by the pope, seemed almost certain. 
Ferdinand now expected to come in for a share of the vast 
wealth that flowed into Portugal ; his eagerness to obtain it 
made him willing to make greater efforts than Balboa required. 
But his jealous disposition, and the fatal antipathy of Fonseca, 
now bishop of Burgos, to every man of merit, who distin- 
guished himself in the New World, were conspicuous. 

288. Notwithstanding the merit and recent services of Bal- 
boa, Ferdinand was so ungenerous as to overlook them, and 
appointed Pedrarias Davila governor of Darien. He gave him 
the command of fifteen large vessels, and tv^clve hundred sol- 
diers ; these were fitted out with a liberal it}-, at the public ex- 
pense, which Ferdinand had never displayed in any former 
armament, destined for tlie New World : and such was the 
ardor of the Spanish gentlemen to embark for a country where, 
as fame reported, they had only to cast their nets into the sea 
and draw out gold, that fifteen hundred persons accompanied 
Pedrarias ; many more would have engaged in the expedition, 
had they been permitted. 

289. Pedrarias arrived at the gulf of Darien without any 
remarkable accident, and immediately sent some of his princi- 
pal officers on shore to inform Balboa of his arrival, with the 
king's commission to be governor of the colony. Balboa re- 
ceived them with dignity. The fame of his discoveries had 
drawn so many adventurers from the islands, that he could 
muster four hundred and fifty men ; with these hardy veterans, 
who murmured at the injustice of the king in superseding 
their governor, Balboa was able to have defeated the forces 
Pedrarias brought with him ; but he submitted with implicit 
obedience to the commands of his sovereign, and received Pe- 
drarias with all the deference due to his character. 

290. The moderation of Balboa, to which Pedrarias owed 
the peaceable possession of his government, did not screen him 



76 HISTORY OF 

from the envy his merit had excited in the breast of the new 
governor. Pedrarias ordered a judicial inquiry to be made 
into his conduct, and imposed a considerable fine upon him for 
certain irregularities he had committed. Balboa felt this morti- 
fication sensibly, in a place where he had held the chief com- 
mand. Pedrarias could not conceal his jealousy of his superior 
merit, which gave rise to dissensions extremely prejudicial to 
the colony. 

291. Balboa seeing, with con«3ern, that the governor, by his 
ill-judged proceedings, retarded the execution of his favorite 
scheme, sent strong remonstrances to Spain against the impru- 
dent government of Pedrarias, who had alienated the friendship 
of the natives from the Spaniards, by permitting his troops 
to plunder and oppress them at pleasure. Pedrarias, on the 
other hand, accused him of having deceived the king by mag- 
nifying his own exploits, and the opulence and value of the 
country. 

292. Ferdinand was now sensible he had acted imprudently 
in superseding the most active and enterprising officer in the 
New World ; and to make Balboa some compensation, he ap- 
pointed him Adelantado, or lieutenant-governor, of the coun- 
tries upon the South Sea, with very extensive privileges and 
authority. At the same time he enjoined Pedrarias to support 
him in all his enterprises, and to consult with him in any mea- 
sures he wished to pursue. But Ferdinand's power was not 
sufficient to eradicate the enmity which Pedrarias felt for 
Balboa. 

293. The interposition and exhortations of the bishop of 
Darien, produced a short-lived reconciliation; and Pedrarias 
agreed to give his daughter in marriage to Balboa. The first 
effect of their concord was, that Balboa was permitted to make 
several excursions into the country. These were conducted 
with such prudence as added to his reputation. Many adven- 
turers resorted to him, and with the support of Pedrarias, he 
began to prepare for his expedition to the South Sea. 

294. After surmounting many obstacles, he finished four 
small brigantines. In these, with three hundred chosen men, 
a force superior to that with which Pizarro afterwards under- 
took the same expedition, he was ready to sail towards Peru, 
when he received an unexpected message from Pedrarias. He 
dreaded the prosperity of a man whom he had grossly injured, 
and whom he envied and feared ; and so violently did the pas- 
sions of hatred, fear, and jealousy operate upon his mind, that, 
in order to gratify his vengeance, he scrupled not to oppose the 



AMERICA. 77 

orders of his sovereign, and defeat an undertaking of the ut- 
most importance to his country. 

295. Under false, but plausible pretexts, he desired Balboa to 
put off his voyage for a short time, and to repair to Aela, in 
order that he might have an interview with him. Balboa, con- 
scious of no crime, instantly obeyed the summons ; but no 
sooner had he arrived, than he was instantly arrested, by or- 
der of Pedrarias, whose impatience to satiate his revenge, did 
not suffer him long to languish in confinement. Judges were 
immediately appointed to proceed on his trial. Disloyalty to 
the king, and an intention to revolt against the governor, were 
the crimes he was accused of: sentence of death was pro- 
nounced ; and, notwithstanding the judges who passed it, sec- 
onded by the principal inhabitants of the colony, interceded 
warmly for his pardon, Pedrarias was inexorable : and to the 
sorrow and astonishment of the whole colony, they beheld the 
public execution of a man, whom they universally esteemed 
more capable than any that had command in An:ierica, of form- 
ing and executing great designs. 

296. After the death of Balboa, several officers who had 
served under Pedarias entered into an association to undertake 
a voyage of discovery. They persuaded Francis Hernandez 
Cordova, a wealthy planter in Cuba, and a man of distinguished 
courage, to join with them in the enterprise. 

297. Velasquez, governor of Cuba, approved of the design, 
and assisted in carrying it on ; he and Cordova advanced mo- 
ney for purchasing three small vessels, and furnished them 
with every thing necessary, either for traffic or war. One hun- 
dred and ten men embarked on board of them, and sailed from 
Cuba, on the eighth of February, 1517. They stood directly 
west, relying on the opinion of Columbus, who uniformly main- 
tained, that a westerly course would lead to the most important 
discoveries. 

298. On the twenty-first day after their departure from Cuba, 
they saw land ; which proved to be Cape Catoche, the eastern 
point of that large peninsula, projecting from the continent, 
which still retains its original name of Yucatan. 

299. As they approached the shore, five canoes came off, 
filled with people decently clad in cotton garments ; an aston- 
ishing spectacle to the Spaniards, who had been accustomed to 
see nothing but naked savages, in all their former excursions. 
The natives, though amazed at the Europeans, invited them to 
visit their habitations, with the appearance of great cordiality. 
They landed accordingly ; and as they advanced into the coun- 

G 2 



78 HISTORY OF 

try, they were surprised at the sight of large houses built with 
stone. Notwithstanding their improvements in the arts of civil- 
ized life, above their countrymen, the Spaniards found them 
also more artful and warlike ; for, though the cazique re- 
ceived Cordova with many tokens of friendship, he had placed 
a large body of his countrymen in ambush behind a thicket, 
who, upon a signal given by him, rushed out and attacked the 
Spaniards with great boldness, and in some degree of martial 
order. 

300. At the first flight of their arrows, fifteen of the Span- 
iards were wounded. But the Indians were struck with such 
terror, by the sudden explosion of their fire-arms, and so in- 
timidated by them and by the cross-bows, and other weapons 
of their enemies, that they fled precipitately ; and Cordova was 
willing to leave a country where he had met with such a fierce 
reception, carrying off two prisoners, together with the orna- 
ments of a small temple, which he plundered in his retreat. 

301. He continued to pursue a westerly course, keeping the 
coast in view, and on the sixteenth day arrived at Campeachy. 
There the natives received them with more hospitality. They 
proceeded further along the coast, and discovered the mouth of 
a river at Pontonchan, some leagues beyond Campeachy. Cor- 
dova landed all his troops to protect the sailors, who were em- 
ployed in filling their casks with water. The natives, never- 
theless, rushed down upon them with such fury, and in such 
numbers, that forty-seven of the Spaniards were killed upon 
the spot, and but one man among them escaped unhurt. Their 
commander, though wounded in twelve different places, directed 
the retreat with prudence, equal to the courage with which he 
had led them to the engagement, and with much difficulty 
they regained their ships. 

302. Nothing remained now but to hasten back to Cuba with 
their shattered forces. They suffered extremely for want of 
water, especially the wounded and sickly, who were exposed 
to the heat of the torrid zone. Some of them died, and Cor- 
dova, their commander, expired soon after they landed. 

303. Notwithstanding the unfortunate issue of tliis expedi- 
tion, they had now discovered an extensive territory not far 
from Cuba : the circumstances related by the adventurers with 
exaggeration natural to men desirous to spread the merit of 
their own exploits, were sufficient to raise romantic hopes and 
expectations. Great numbers offered to engage in a new ex- 
pedition. Velasquez, eager to distinguish himself by some bril- 
liant undertaking that might entitle him to claim the govern- 



AMERICA. 79 

ment of Cuba, independent of the admiral, fitted out four ships 
lor the voyage at his own expense. In these embarked two 
hundred and forty volunteers, among whom were several per- 
sons of rank and fortune. 

304. The command was given to Juan de Grijalva, a young 
officer of distinguished merit and courage. He sailed from 
Cuba on the 8th of April, 1518 : they held the same course as 
in the former voyage ; but the violence of the currents carried 
them farther south. The first land they made was the island 
of Gozumel, to the east of Yucatan : and without any remark- 
able occurrence, they reached Potonchan on the opposite side 
side of the Peninsula. The desire of revenging their country- 
men who were slain there, as well as policy, made them 
eager to land. But though they embarked all their troops, as 
well as some field-pieces, the Indians fought with such courage, 
that the Spaniards gained the victory with difficulty. 

305. From Potonchan they continued their voyage towards 
the west, keeping near the shore. During the day their eyes 
were constantly turned towards the land, with a mixture of sur- 
prise and wonder at the beauty of the country, and the novelty 
of the objects they beheld. Many villages were scattered along 
the coast, in which they could distinguish houses of stone that 
appeared white and lofty at a distance ; one of the soldiers re- 
marked that this country resembled Spain at a distance. Gri- 
jalva, with universal applause, called it New Spain, the name 
which till lately distinguished this opulent province. 

306. On the nineteenth of June they landed at a river which 
the natives called Tabasco, and the fame of their victory at 
Potonchan having reached this place, the cazique received 
them amicably, and bestowed presents upon them of such value 
as inspired them with great ideas of the wealth and fertility of 
the country. These ideas were confirmed at the next place at 
which they touched : this was to the west of Tabasco, in the 
province now known by the name of Guaxaca. They were 
received with the respect paid to superior beings : the people 
perfuming them as they landed with incense of gum copal, and 
ofiering them the choicest delicacies of their country ; and, in 
six days, the Spaniards obtained ornaments of gold of curious 
workmanship, to the value of fifteen thousand dollars, in ex- 
change for European toys of small value. 

307. As the Spaniards could not understand the language 
of the natives, they learned from them, by signs, that they 
were the subjects of a great monarch called Montezuma, whose 
dominion extended over that and many other provinces. 



80 HISTORY OF 

308. Leaving this place, they landed on a small island, 
which they called the Isle of Sacrificios ; because there they be- 
lield, for the first time, human victims which the natives had 
offered to their gods. Some of the officers contended that it 
was requisite to establish a colony in the country they had dis- 
covered. Grijalva judged it more prudent to return to Cuba. 
This was the most successful voyage the Spaniards had hither- 
to made in the New World. 

309. Velasquez had been informed of the success of the en- 
terprise, by an officer dispatched for that purpose, by Grijalva, 
who immediately sent an account to Spain of the success of the 
voyage ; and without waiting for the orders of his sovereign, 
he prepared for another expedition. This terminated in con- 
quests of greater moment than any they had hitherto achieved, 
When Grijalva returned to Cuba, he found an armament in 
readiness to attempt the conquest of that country, which he had 
discovered. Ambition and avarice urged Velasquez to hasten 
his preparations ; and the alluring prospect of gratifying both, 
made him cheerfully advance considerable sums from his pri- 
vate fortune, to defray the expense. Soldiers eager to embark 
in any daring enterprise soon appeared. The difficulty lay in 
finding a person fit to take the command. 

310. Velasquez was solicitous to choose an intrepid com- 
mander, and one who possessed superior abilities ; but at the 
s ime time, from a jealousy natural to little minds, he wished 
him to be so tame and obsequious as to be entirely dependent 
upon his will. But he was soon convinced that it was impossi- 
ble to unite such incompatible qualities in one person. Those 
who were conspicuous for courage, were too high-spirited to be 
his passive tools ; and those who appeared gentle and tractable, 
were deficient in the necessary qualifications requisite for such 
an undertaking. He deliberated long, and still continued irreso- 
lute until Amado de Lares, the royal treasurer in Cuba, and 
Andrew Duero, his own secretary, in whom he placed great 
confidence, proposed Fernando Cortes, and supported their re- 
commendation with such address and assiduity as proved suc- 
cessful. 



AMERICA. 81 

CHAPTER VI. 

CORTES ACCOMPANIES VELASQUEZ TO CUBA. HE INVADES 

MEXICO.— CHARACTER OF M0NTEZU3IA HE MEETS CORTES. 

^HE IS MADE PRISONER.— CORTES GETS POSSESSION OF 

MEXICO. 

.311. Ferdinand Cortes was born at Medellin, a small town 
in Estremadura, in the year 1485, and descended from a noble 
family ; but of very moderate fortune. He -was sent by his 
parents to the university of Salamanca, where he m.adc some 
progress in learning. An academic life not suiting his ardent 
and restless genius, he retired to Medellin, where he gave him- 
self up entirely to active sports, and martial exercises. At this 
period of his life, he was so impetuous and overbearing, and 
so dissipated, that his father was glad to comply with his^^incli- 
nation, and sent him abroad as an adventurer in arms. 

312. The Spanish youth who courted military glory, had an 
opportunity to display their valor, either in Italy, under the 
command of the Great Captain, or in the New World. Cortes 
preferred the former, but was prevented by indisposition from 
embarking with a reinforcement of troops sent to Naples. 
Then he turned his views towards America, where he hoped to 
advance himself under the patronage of Ovando, who was at 
that time governor of Hispaniola, and his kinsman. His re- 
ception was such as equalled his most sanguine hopes ; and the 
governor employed him in several honorable and lucrative sta- 
tions. 

313. But his ambition was not to be satisfied with the mode- 
rate means of acquiring wealth or fame. It was in the stormy 
and active scenes of a military life, that he wished to distin- 
guish himself. With this view, he requested permission to ac- 
company Velasquez in his expedition to Cuba. In this service 
he acquitted himself so well, that notwithstanding some violent 
contests, occasioned by trivial causes, with Velasquez, he was 
at length taken into favor, and received an ample share of 
lands and Indians. 

314. Though Cortes had not hitherto acted in high com- 
mand, he had displayed such abilities in scenes of difficulty 
and danger, as raised universal expectation, and turned the 
eyes of his countrymen towards him, as one capable of execu- 
ting great designs. The turbulence of youth, as soon as he 
found objects suited to the ardor of his mind, gradually sub- 
sided into a regular habit of indefatigable activity. The im- 



82 HISTORY OF 

petuosity of his temper, when he came to act with his equals, 
abated, and mellowed into a cordial soldierly frankness. These 
qualities were accompanied with calm prudence in concerting 
his schemes, and with persevering vigor in executing them ; 
and what is peculiar to superior genius, the art of gaining the 
confidence, and governing the minds, of men. To all which 
v^^as added a graceful person, an insinuating address, alertness 
in martial exercises, and a vigorous constitution, capable of en- 
during the greatest fatigue. 

315. As soon as Cortes was mentioned to Velasquez by his 
two confidants, he flattered himself that he had found a man 
with talents for command, but not an object of jealousy. He 
concluded that his rank and fortune were not sufficient to in- 
spire him with the hopes of independence. He had conferred 
several favors upon Cortes ; and by this new and unexpected 
mark of confidence, Velasquez hoped to attach him for ever 
to his interests. 

316. Cortes received his commission with the warmest ex- 
pression of respect and gratitude to the governor, and immedi- 
ately erected his standard before his own house, and assumed 
all the ensigns of his new dignity. He persuaded many of his 
friends to engage in the service, and to urge forward the pre- 
parations for the voyage. He mortgaged all his lands and In- 
dians to procure money, which he expended in purchasing 
military stores and provisions, or in supplying such of his offi- 
cers as were unable to equip themselves in a manner suited to 
their rank. 

317. Inoffensive and laudable as this conduct was, his dis- 
appointed competitors were so malicious as to give it a turn to 
his disadvantage : they accused him of aiming, with little dis- 
guise, to establish an independent authority over his troops, 
and endeavoring to secure their respect and love, by an osten- 
tatious display of his liberality. They reminded Velasquez of 
his former dissensions with the man in whom he now reposed 
so much confidence; and predicted that Cortes would avail 
himself of the power which he was putting into his hands to 
avenge past injuries, rather than to requite late obligations. 
These insinuations made a powerful impression on the jealous 
mind of Velasquez. 

318. Cortes soon observed a growing alienation and distrust 
in his behavior, and was advised by his friends. Lares and 
Duero, to hasten his departure, before these should become so 
confirmed as to break out into open violence. Cortes, sensible 
of the danger, hastened his preparations with such rapidity. 



AMERICA. 83 

that he set sail from St. Jago de Cuba on the eighteenth of No- 
vember, 1519; Velasquez accompanied him to the shore, and 
took leave of him with apparent friendship, though he had se- 
cretly given orders to some of his officers, to have a watchful 
eye upon every part of their commander's conduct. 

319. Cortes proceeded to Trinidad, a small settlement on the 
same side of the island, where he was joined by several ad- 
venturers, and received a further supply of provisions and 
stores. He had hardly left St. Jago, when the jealousy of Ve- 
lasquez grew so violent as to be impossible for him to suppress 
it. Imagination now exaggerated every circumstance which 
had before excited suspicion : his rivals, by their suggestions, 
increased his fears, and called superstition to their aid, employ- 
ing the predictions of an astrologer to complete their designs. 
All these united, produced the desired effect. 

320. Velasquez repented bitterly of his own imprudence, in 
committing a trust of such importance to a person, in whoso 
fidelity he could no longer trust ; and hastily dispatched in- 
structions to Trinidad, empowering Verdugo, the chief magis- 
trate there, to deprive Cortes of his commission. But Cortes, 
secure in the esteem and confidence of his troops, finding 
they were zealous to support his authority ; he, by soothing or 
intimidating Verdugo, was permitted to depart from Trinidad 
without molestation, and sailed for the Havana, in order to 
raise more soldiers and complete the victualling of his fleet. 
There several persons of distinction entered into his service, 
and engaged to supply what provisions were wanting. 

321. While these things were in preparation, Velasquez suf- 
fered his fears of Cortes to increase ; and, in a period of jea- 
lousy, made one more attempt to wrest the command from the 
man in whom he had placed so much confidence. He, there- 
fore, sent a person to the Havana, with peremptory injunctions 
to Pedro Barba, his lieutenant-governor in that colony, instantly 
to arrest Cortes, send him prisoner to St. Jago, under a strong 
guard; and to countermand the departure of the armament 
until he should receive further orders. 

322. He also wrote to the principal officers, requiring them 
to assist Barba in executing what he had given him in charge. 
Fortunately for Cortes, a Franciscan friar of St. Jago had se- 
cretly conveyed an account of this interesting intelligence to 
Bartholomew de Olmedo, a monk of the same order, and who 
acted as chaplain to the expedition. This gave Cortes time to 
take precautions for his safety. He found some pretext to re- 



84 HISTORY OF 

move from the Havana Diego de Ordaz, an officer of great 
abilities, but whose known attachment to Velasquez made it 
unsafe to trust him in this trying and delicate juncture. He 
therefore gave him the command of a vessel that was to pro- 
ceed to a small harbor beyond Cape Antonio, and thus re- 
moved him from his presence without appearing to suspect his 
fidelity. 

323. When Ordaz was gone, Cortes informed his officers 
and soldiers of the designs of Velasquez. They were impatient 
to set out upon the expedition, in preparing for which, most 
of them had expended all their fortunes, and expressed their 
astonishment and indignation at that illiberal jealousy to which 
the governor was about to sacrifice the honor of their general, 
and all their sanguine hopes of glory and wealth. They all 
with one voice entreated him not to abandon them, and deprive 
them of a leader whom they followed with such unbounded 
confidence, and offered to shed the last drop of their blood in 
maintaining his authority. Cortes was easily persuaded to 
comply with what he so ardently desired. He swore he would 
never desert soldiers who had given him such a signal proof 
of their attachment, and promised instantly to conduct them to 
that rich country, which had been so long the subject of their 
thoughts and wishes. 

324. This declaration was received with transports of mili- 
tary applause, accompanied with threats and imprecations 
against all who should presume to call in question the jurisdic- 
tion of their general, or obstruct the execution of his designs. 
Every thing was now ready for their departure. The fleet 
consisted of eleven vessels : the largest was one hundred tons 
burden, which was dignified with the name of Admiral ; three 
of seventy or eighty tons, and the rest small open barks. On 
board of these were 617 men ; of which 508 belonged to the 
land-service, and 109 were seamen and artificers. The soldiers 
were divided into eleven companies, to each of which Cortes 
appointed a captain. 

325. As the use of fire-arms among the nations of Europe, 
was hitherto confined to a few battalions of disciplined infantry, 
only thirteen soldiers were armed with muskets, thirty-two were 
cross-bow men, and the rest had swords and spears. Instead of 
their usual defensive armor, they wore quilted-cotton jackets ; 
these had been found a sufficient protection against the weapons 
of the Indians. They had only sixteen horses, ten small field- 
j)ieces, and four falconets. 

32(3. With this slender and ill-provided train, did Cortes set 



AMERICA. 85 

sail to make war upon a monarch, whose dominions were more 
extensive than all the kingdoms subject to the Spanish crown. 
A large cross was displayed on their standards, with this in- 
scription, " Let us follow the cross, for under this sign we shall 
conquer." Thus enthusiasm and avarice united in prompting 
the Spaniards in all their enterprises. 

327. So powerfully were Cortes and his companions ani- 
mated with both these passions, that no less eager to plunder 
the opulent country to which they were bound, than zealous to 
propagate the Christian faith among its inhabitants, they set 
out with that confidence which arises from security of success, 
and certainty of divine protection. 

328. Cortes steered directly for the island of Cozumel, which 
Grijalva had visited ; there he had the good fortune to redeem 
Jerome de Aguilar, a Spaniard, who had been eight years a 
prisoner among the Indians. This man was perfectly acquainted 
with a dialect of their language, understood through a large 
extent of country ; he possessed also a considerable share of 
prudence and sagacity ,- and proved extremely useful as an in- 
terpreter. 

329. From Cozumel, Cortes proceeded to Tabasco, in hopes 
of meeting as friendly a reception from the natives as Grijalva 
had ; and of finding gold in the same abundance : but the dis- 
position of the natives was entirely changed. After endeavor- 
ing, in vain, to conciliate their good will, he was constrained 
to have recourse to violence. Though the forces of the enemy 
were numerous, and advanced with extraordinary courage, they 
were routed with great slaughter, in several successive actions. 
The loss they sustained, and still more the astonishment and 
terror excited by the destructive effects of the fire-arms, and 
the dreadful appearance of the horses, humbled their fierce 
spirits, and induced them to sue for peace. They acknowledged 
the king of Castile as their sovereign, and granted Cortes a 
supply of provisions, with a present of cotton garments, some 
gold, and twenty female slaves. 

330. The next place they touched at was St. Juan de Uloa. 
As he entered the harbor, a large canoe, full of people, amongst 
whom there appeared two persons of distinction, approached 
the ship with signs of peace and friendship. They came on 
board without fear, or showing any symptoms of distrust, and 
addressed Cortes in a most respectful manner, but in a language 
unknown to Aguilar. Cortes was in the utmost perplexity at 
an event, which he instantly foresaw would be attended with 

H 



86 HISTORY OF 

very disagreeable consequences. But he did not remain long 
in this embarrassed situation. 

331. One of the female slaves, whom he had received from 
the cazique of Tabasco, was present at the interview : she saw 
the distress of Cortes, and the confusion of Aguilar ; and, as 
she perfectly understood the Mexican language, she explained 
what they said in the Yucatan tongue. This woman, known 
afterwards by the name of Donna Marina, makes a considera- 
ble figure in the history of the New World ; having been car- 
ried away captive by some hostile party, after a variety of adven- 
tures, had fallen into the hands of the Tabascans, though for- 
merly a native of the Mexican empire. Though it was tedious 
and troublesome to converse by the intervention of two differ- 
ent interpreters, Cortes was so highly pleased, that he considered 
it, in the transports of his joy, as a visible interposition of Di- 
vine Providence in his favor. 

332. The two persons whom he had received on board his 
ship, were deputies from Pilpatoe and Teutile ; the one, gov- 
ernor of that province, under a great monarch, whom they 
called Montezuma ; and the other, commander of his forces 
there. They informed Cortes, that they were sent to inquire 
what were his views in visiting their coast, and to offer him as- 
sistance, if he stood in need, in order to continue his voyage. 
Cortes, struck with the appearance of those people, as well as 
the tenor of their message, assured them in respectful terms, 
that he approached their country with the most friendly inten- 
tions ; that he came to propose matters of great importance to 
the welfare of their prince and people, which he would unfold 
more fully in person to the governor and general. 

333. Next morning, without waiting for an answer, he landed 
his troops, his horses and artillery ; and began to erect huts, 
and fortify his camp. The natives, instead of opposing the en- 
trance of those fatal guests into their country, assisted them 
in all their operations, with an alacrity of which they afler- 
vv'ards had good reason to repent. 

334. Next day Pilpatoe and Teutile entered the Spanish 
camp with a numerous retinue ; and Cortes treated them with 
that respect due to the ministers of a great monarch, and re- 
ceived them with much formal ceremony. He informed them 
that he came as ambassador from Don Carlos of Austria, king 
of Castile, the greatest monarch of the east ; and was intrusted 
with propositions of such moment that he could impart them to 
none but the emperor Montezuma himself; and therefore re- 



AMERICA. 87 

quired them to conduct him, without delay, into the presence 
of their master. 

335. The Mexican officers could not conceal their uneasiness 
at a request which they knew would be disagreeable to their 
sovereign, whose mind had been filled with many disquieting 
apprehensions, ever since the Spaniards had first appeared on 
their coasts. Before they offered to dissuade Cortes from his 
demand, they endeavored to conciliate his good will, by entreat- 
ing him to accept of certain presents, which, as humble slaves 
to Montezuma, they laid at his feet. These were introduced 
with great parade, and consisted of fine cotton cloth, plumes 
of various colors, and of ornaments of gold and silver, to a 
considerable value ; the workmanship was curious, and the 
materials rich. 

336. The effect of these was very different to what they in- 
tended. Instead of satisfying the Spaniards, it increased their 
avidity, and rendered them so impatient of becoming masters 
of a country which abounded with such precious commodities, 
that Cortes could hardly listen, with patience, to the arguments 
of Pilpatoe and Teutile, to dissuade him from visiting the capi- 
tal ; and in a haughty and determined tone insisted on being 
admitted to a personal audience of their sovereign. 

337. During this interview, some painters in the train of the 
Mexican chiefs, had been diligently employed in delineating 
upon white cotton cloth, figures of the ships and horses, the 
artillery, the soldiers, and whatever else appeared to them new 
and singular. When Cortes was informed that those pictures 
were to be sent to Montezuma, to render the representation still 
more animating and interesting, and make the impression more 
awful, he ordered the trumpets to sound an alarm ; the troops 
in a moment formed in order of battle, the infantry performed 
such martial exercises as were best suited to display the effect 
of their different weapons ; the horse, in various evolutions, 
showed their agility and strength ; the artillery, pointed towards 
the thick wood which was in front of the camp, made dread- 
ful havoc among the trees. 

338. The Mexicans looked on with silent amazement, at ob- 
jects so awful, and above their comprehension. At the explo- 
sion of the cannon, many of them fled, some fell on the ground, 
and all were so much confounded at the sight of men, whose 
power, in their opinion, so nearly resembled the gods, that 
Cortes with difficulty composed them. The ingenuity of the 
painters was put to the test, to invent figures and characters to 
represent things so new and extraordinary. Messengers were 



88 HISTORY OF 

immediately dispatched to Montezuma with those pictures, and 
a full account of every thing that had passed since the arrival 
of the Spaniards ; and by them Cortes sent a present of some 
European curiosities to Montezuma. 

339. The Mexican monarchs, in order to obtain early in- 
formation of every occurrence in all parts of their vast empire, 
had posted couriers, or runners at different stations, along the 
principal roads, who relieved one another at proper distances ; 
by which method they conveyed intelligence with surprising 
rapidity. 

340. Though the capital of Montezuma was one hundred 
and eighty miles from St. Julian de Uloa, the presents of Cortes 
were carried thither, and an answer received to his demands in 
a few days. The same officers who had hitherto treated with 
the Spaniards, were employed to deliver this answer ; but as 
they knew how repugnant the determination of their master 
was to the wishes of the Spanish commander, they would not 
venture to make it known until they had first endeavored to 
soothe and mollify him. They therefore renewed the negotia- 
tion by introducing a train of a hundred Indians loaded with 
presents, sent him by Montezuma. 

341. The magnificence of these presents exceeded any the 
Spaniards had yet received, and raised ideas of the wealth of 
the country, and grandeur of the monarch. They were placed 
upon mats on the ground in a manner that showed them to the 
greatest advantage. Cortes and his followers viewed, with ad- 
miration, the various manufactures of the country ; the cotton 
stuffs were of so fine a texture, as to resemble silk ; pictures 
of animals, trees, and other natural objects, formed with fea- 
thers of different colors, were disposed and mingled with such 
skill and elegance as to rival the works of the pencil, in beauty 
of imitation. But what principally attracted their attention, were 
two large plates of a circular form, one of massive gold, repre- 
senting the sun, the other of silver, an emblem of the moon ; 
these were accompanied with bracelets, collars, rings, and other 
trinkets of gold, with boxes of pearls, precious stones, and 
grains of unwrought gold. Cortes received these with an ap- 
pearance of profound veneration for the monarch, by whom 
they were bestowed. 

342. But when the Mexicans, presuming upon this, in- 
formed him that their master, though he desired him to ac- 
cept of what he had sent, as expressive of his regard for 
the prince who had sent him ; yet, at the same time informed 
him, that he would not give his consent that foreign troops 



AMERICA. 89 

should approach nearer his capital ; or even allow them to con- 
tinue longer in his dominions. Cortes declared, in a manner 
more peremptory than formerly, that he must insist on his first 
demand, as he could not, without dishonor, return to his own 
sovereign, until he had been permitted to visit the prince, agree- 
ably to his instructions. 

343. The Mexicans were astonished, that any man should 
dare to oppose that will which they were accustomed to con- 
sider as supreme and irresistible : yet afraid of coming to an 
open rupture with such formidable enemies, they prevailed with 
Cortes to continue in his present camp until further instructions 
were received from Montezuma. 

344. The Mexican monarch had now no other choice, but 
either to receive Cortes as a friend, or oppose him openly as an 
enemy. The latter was what might have been expected from 
a haughty prince in possession of such extensive powers ; his 
authority unbounded, and his revenues considerable. 

345. If he had assembled his numerous forces, and fallen 
upon the Spaniards while encamped on a barren, unhealthy 
coast, without a single ally to support them, no place of re- 
treat, and destitute of provisions, notwithstanding their supe- 
rior discipline and arms, they must all have been cut otTin such 
an unequal contest, or have abandoned the enterprise. 

346. As the power of Montezuma enabled him to take this 
spirited part, his own disposition naturally prompted him to it. 
Of all the princes who had swayed the Mexican sceptre, he 
was the most haughty, the most violent, and the most impatient 
of control. His subjects looked up to him with awe, and his 
enemies with terror. The former he governed with unexampled 
rigor, but they were impressed with an opinion of his capacity, 
that commanded their respect : over the latter he had spread 
such fear by the success of his arms, that they dreaded his 
power, and groaned under his tyranny. Though his talents 
were sufficient for the government of a state, so imperfectly 
polished as the Mexican empire, they were altogether inade- 
quate to the present conjuncture : he was neither qualified to 
judge with discernment, nor to act with the decision necessary 
in such a trying emergency. 

347. From the first account of the Spaniards appearing on 
the coast, he discovered symptoms of timidity and embarrass- 
ment ; he deliberated with an anxiety which did not escape the 
notice of his meanest courtiers. The perplexity and discom- 
posure upon this occasion, and the general dismay that pre- 
vailed, was not altogether owing to the impression the Span- 

H2 



90 HISTORY OF 

iards had made by the novelty of their appearance, and the 
terror of their arms : there was an opinion, if the account of 
the most authentic Spanish historians deserve credit, and almost 
universal among the Americans, that some dreadful calamity 
was impending over their heads, from a race of formidable in- 
vaders, who should come from regions towards the rising sun, 
to overrun and desolate their country. 

348. As the Mexicans were more prone to superstition than 
any people in the New World, they were more deeply affected 
with the appearance of the Spaniards, whom they considered 
as the instruments destined to bring about the revolution which 
they so much dreaded. Under these circumstances it ceases 
to be incredible that a handful of adventurers should alarm the 
monarch of a great empire and all his subjects. 

349. Notwithstanding, when Montezuma was informed that 
Cortes adhered to his original demand, and refused to obey his 
enjoining him to leave the country ; in a transport of rage natu- 
ral to a fierce prince, unaccustomed to opposition, he threatened 
to sacrifice those intruding strangers to the gods. But instead 
of issuing orders to put his threats into execution, he summoned 
his ministers to confer, and offer their advice. 

350. The Mexican council were satisfied with issuing a more 
positive injunction, requiring them to leave the country ; but 
betraying such timidity and infatuation, that they accompanied 
this order with a present of such value, as proved a fresh in- 
ducement to remain there. A variety of sentiments prevailed 
among the Spaniards ; from what they had already seen, many 
of them formed such extravagant ideas, concerning the opu- 
lence of the country, that despising every danger and hardship, 
they were eager to attempt the conquest. Others estimating 
the power of the Mexican empire by its wealth, contended it 
would be an act of the wildest frenzy to attack such a state, 
with a small body of men, in want of provisions, unconnected 
with an ally, and already debilitated by diseases incident to the 
climate. 

351. Cortes secretly encouraged and applauded the advo- 
cates for bold measures, and cherished their romantic hopes ; 
as such ideas accorded with his own, and favored the execution 
of the bold schemes he had already formed. As Velasquez had 
openly attempted to deprive him of his authority, he saw the 
necessity of dissolving a connexion which would obstruct and 
embarrass all his operations ; and watched for a proper oppor- 
tunity of coming to a final rupture with him. 

352. Having this in view, he assiduously labored to gain 



AMERICA. 91 

and secure the esteem and affection of his soldiers, and availed 
himself of all opportunities to insinuate himself into their fa- 
vor, by his affable manners : by well-timed acts of liberality to 
some, by inspiring all with vast hopes, and by allowing them 
to trade privately with the natives, he attached the greater part 
of the soldiers so firmly to himself, that they almost forgot the 
armament had been fitted out by the authority, and at the ex- 
pense of another. 

353. During these intrigues, Teutile arrived with the present 
from Montezuma ; and, together with it, delivered the ultimate 
order of that monarch to depart instantly out of his dominions : 
when Cortes, instead of complying, renewed his request of 
an audience, the Mexican turned from him abruptly, and quitted 
the camp, with looks and gestures which strongly expressed 
his surprise and resentment. Next morning, the natives, who 
used to frequent the camp, to barter with the soldiers, and bring 
provisions, absented ; all friendly correspondence seemed now 
to be at an end, and it was expected every moment that hos- 
tilities would commence. 

354. Although this might have been foreseen, yet it occa- 
sioned a sudden consternation among the Spaniards, which em- 
boldened the adherents of Velasquez not only to murmur and 
cabal against their general, but to appoint one of their number 
to remonstrate openly against his imprudence in attempting the 
conquest of a mighty empire with such inadequate force : and 
they urged the necessity of returning to Cuba, in order to refit 
the fleet, and augment their army. 

355. Diego de Ordaz, one of his principal officers, who was 
charged with this commission, delivered it with soldierly free- 
dom, assuring him that he spoke the sentiments of the Avholo 
army. Cortes heard him without any appearance of emotion. 
As he well knew the temper and wishes of his soldiers, he car- 
ried his dissimulation so far as to seem to relinquish his own 
measures, in compliance with the request of Ordaz, and issued 
orders that the army should be ready to embark the next day 
for Cuba. 

356. No sooner was this known, than the disappointed ad- 
venturers exclaimed and threatened ; the emissaries of Cortes 
mingling with them inflamed their rage ; the ferment became 
general : the whole camp was almost in open mutiny : all de- 
manding with eagerness to see their commander. Cortes was 
not slow in appearing ; when with one voice they expressed 
their astonishment and indignation at the orders which they 
had received. ^' It was unworthy," they cried, " of the Cas- 



92 HISTORY OF 

tilian courage, to be daunted at the first aspect of danger, and 
infamous to fly before an enemy appeared. For their part, 
they were determined not to relinquish the enterprise ; that they 
were happy under his command, and would follow him with 
alacrity through every danger : but if he chose to return to 
Cuba, and tamely give up all hopes of distinction and opulence 
to an envious rival, they would instantly choose another gene- 
ral to conduct them in that path of glory, which he had not 
spirit to enter." 

357. Cortes, delighted with their ardor, took no offence at 
the boldness with which it was uttered; the sentiments were 
what he himself had inspired ; and he was now satisfied that 
they had imbibed them thoroughly. He aflfected, however, to 
be surprised at what he heard, declaring that his order to pre- 
pare for embarking was issued from a persuasion that it was 
agreeable to his troops ; and from deference to what, he had 
been informed, was their incHnation, he had sacrificed his own 
private opinion, which was firmly bent on immediately estab- 
lishing a settlement on the sea-coast, and then on endeavoring 
to penetrate into the interior of the country : but as he now 
perceived they were animated with the generous spirit which 
breathed in every true Spaniard, he would resume with fresh 
ardor his original plan of operations : not doubting he should 
be able to conduct them, in the career of victory, to such inde- 
pendent fortunes as their valor merited. Upon this declaration, 
shouts of applause testified their excess of joy. 

358. Notwithstanding there appeared to be an unanimous 
consent to this measure, there were those in the interest of 
Velasquez who secretly condemned it, but they were obliged 
to stifle their real sentiments, to avoid the appearance of disaf- 
fection to their general, as well as the imputation of coward- 
ice from their fellow-soldiers. In order to give a beginning to 
the colony, he assembled the principal persons in his army, and 
by their suffi-age elected a council and magistrates, in whom 
the government was to be vested. The magistrates were dis- 
tinguished by the names and ensigns of office. All the persons 
chosen were firmly devoted to Cortes, and the instrument of 
their election was framed in the king's name, without any men- 
tion of their dependence upon Velasquez. The name which 
Cortes bestowed on the intended settlement was Villa Rica de 
la Vera Cruz, that is, the Rick Toivn of the True Cross. 

359. The first act of importance decided by the new coun- 
cil, V, as the appointment of Cortes to the supreme jurisdiction, 
both civil and military, over the colony. The soldiers, with 



AMERICA. 93 

eager applause, ratified the choice ; and the air resounded with 
the name of Cortes. 

360. He now began to assume greater dignity, and exer- 
cise more extensive powers : formerly he acted only as the 
deputy of a subject ; but now as the representative of his sove- 
reign. The adherents of Velasquez could no longer continue 
silent and passive spectators of his actions. They openly ex- 
claimed against the proceedings of the council as illegal, and 
against those of the army as mutinous. Cortes instantly per- 
ceived the necessity of giving a timely check to such seditious 
discourses, by some prompt and vigorous measures ; he ar- 
rested Ordaz, Escudero, and Velasquez de Leon, the ringlead- 
ers of the faction, and sent them as prisoners on board the 
fleet, loaded with chains. 

361. Their dependants, astonished and overawed, remained 
quiet, and Cortes, more desirous to reclaim than punish his 
prisoners, who were officers of great merit, courted their friend- 
ship with such assiduity and address, that the reconciliation 
was perfectly cordial ; and never after, on the most trying oc- 
casions, did they attempt to swerve from their attachment to 
his interest. 

362. Cortes having now rendered the union between him- 
self and his army indissoluble, thought he might quit the camp, 
in which he had hitherto remained, and advance into the coun- 
try. To this he was encouraged by an event both fortunate 
and seasonable. Some Indians having approached his camp in 
a mysterious manner, were conducted into his presence. These 
were deputies sent by the cazique of Zempoalla, a considerable 
town at no great distance. By them he learned that their mas- 
ter, though a subject of Montezuma, was impatient of the yoke, 
and that nothing could be more acceptable to him than a de- 
liverance from the oppression under which they groaned. 

363. On hearing this, a ray of light and hope broke in upon 
the mind of Cortes. He saw that the great empire he was 
about to attack was not united, nor the sovereign beloved. He 
concluded that the cause of disaffection could not be confined 
to one province, but that in other parts there must be malcon- 
tents, who, being weary of subjection, and desirous of change, 
would be ready to follow the standard of any protector. Full 
of these ideas, he gave a most gracious reception to the Zem- 
poallans, and promised soon to visit their cazique. 

364. To perform this promise, it was not necessary to alter 
the route he had already fixed for his march. Some officers, 
whom he had employed to survey the coast, discovered a vil» 



94 HISTORY OF 

lage named Quiabislan, about forty miles to the northward, 
which on account of the fertility of the soil, and commodious- 
ness of the harbor, seemed to be a more proper station for a 
settlement, than where he was encamped. Cortes upon this in- 
formation was determined to remove thither. Zempoalla lay 
in his way, where the cazique received him with gifts, and ca- 
resses, and with a respect approaching almost to adoration. 

365. From him he learned many particulars with respect to 
the character of Montezuma, and the circumstances that render- 
ed his dominion odious. The cazique told him with tears, he was 
a tyrant ; haughty, cruel, and suspicious ; who treated his own 
subjects with arrogance, ruined the conquered provinces by ex- 
actions, and tore their sons and daughters from them by vio- 
lence : the former to be offered as victims to his gods ; the lat- 
ter, to be reserved as concubines for himself and his favorites. 
Cortes in reply artfully insinuated that one of the great objects 
that induced the Spaniards to visit a country so distant from 
their own, was to redress grievances, and relieve the oppressed. 

366. Having thus encouraged the cazique to hope for his 
protection, he continued his march to Quiabislan, where he 
marked out ground for a town ; the dwellings to be erected 
v;ere only huts ; but they were to be surrounded with fortifica- 
tions. Every man in the army, officers and soldiers, put their 
hands to the work ; Cortes himself setting the example. The 
Indians of Zempoalla and Quiabislan, lent their assistance ; 
and this petty station, the parent of so many great settle- 
ments, was soon in a state of defence. 

367. While they were engaged in this necessary work, Cor- 
tes had several interviews with the caziques of Zempoalla and 
Quiabislan, who had such a high opinion of the Spaniards, as 
to consider them a superior order of beings : and, encouraged 
by the promises of Cortes, they ventured to insult the Mexican 
power ; at the very name of which, they were accustomed to 
tremble. Some of Montezuma's officers having appeared to 
levy the usual tribute, and to demand a certain number of hu- 
man victims, as an expiation of their guilt, in presuming to 
hold a correspondence with those strangers, whom the emperor 
had commanded to leave his dominions ; — instead of obeying 
the order, they made those officers prisoners, treated them with 
great indignity, and threatened to sacrifice them to their gods. 
From this last danger they were delivered by Cortes, who tes- 
tified the utmost abhorrence at the bare mention of such a bar- 
barous deed. 

368. The two caziques, having now committed an act of 



AMERICA. 95 

open rebellion, there appeared no hope of safety for them, but 
by attaching themselves inviolably to the Spaniards. They 
soon completed their union, by acknowledging themselves sub- 
jects of the Spanish monarch. Their example was followed 
by the Totonaques, a fierce people who inhabited the moun- 
tainous part of the country ; and who offered to accompany 
Cortes, with all their forces, in his march towards Mexico. 

369. Cortes, before he began his march from Zempoalla, re- 
solved upon an expedient which has no parallel in history : he 
had the address to persuade his soldiers, that it would be an 
important benefit to destroy the fleet, and not allow the idea of a 
retreat to enter their thoughts ; but fix their eyes and wishes 
on what was before them ; — and by this means he diverted 
them from being inflamed by a mutinous spirit, wdiich had, at 
sundry times, made its appearance, instigated by the partisans 
of Velasquez. With universal consent the ships were drawn 
ashore ; and, after stripping them of their rigging and iron- 
work, they were taken to pieces. Thus, from a magnanimous 
effort, five hundred men voluntarily consented to be shut up in 
a hostile country, inhabited by powerful and unknown inhab- 
itants ; and left without any other resource than their own 
valor and perseverance. 

370. Cortes began his march from Zempoalla, on the six- 
teenth of August, 1519, with five hundred infantry, fifteen 
cavalry, and six field-pieces. The rest of the troops, consist- 
ing of those who, from age and infirmity, were unfit for actual 
service, he left as a garrison at Villa Rica, under the command 
of Escalante, an officer of merit, and warmly attached to his 
interest. The cazique of Zempoalla supplied him with pro- 
visions, and with two hundred of those Indians, called Tame- 
mes, whose office it was to carry burdens, and perform all ser- 
vile labor. These were a great relief to the Spanish soldiers, 
as they not only eased them of their baggage, but also dragged 
along the artillery by manual force. The cazique offered a 
considerable body of his troops, but Cortes was satisfied whh 
four hundred, taking care to choose such persons, as might 
prove hostages for the fidelity of their master. 

371. No material occurrence happened, until they arrived 
on the confines of Tlascala. The inhabitants of that province 
were a warlike people, and although they were implacable ene- 
mies of Montezuma, and had maintained an obstinate and suc- 
cesstul contest against him, were not inclined to admit these 
formidable strangers into their territory. Cortes had hoped 
that their enmity to the Mexicans, and the example of their 



96 HISTORY OF 

ancient allies, the Zempoallans, might induce them to give him 
a friendly reception. 

372. in order to dispose them to do so, four Zempoallans, of 
great eminence, were sent as ambassadors, to request, in Cor- 
tes' name, and in that of their cazique, that they would permit 
the Spaniards to pass through their country, on their way to 
Mexico. But instead of a favorable answer, which was ex- 
pected, the Tlascalans seized the ambassadors, and without any 
regard to their public character, made preparations for sacri- 
ficing them to their gods. At the same time, they assembled 
their troops, in order to oppose those unknown invaders, if 
they should attempt to make their passage good, by the force 
of arms. 

373. Unaccustomed to any intercourse with foreigners, they 
were apt to consider every stranger as an enemy ; and upon 
the least suspicion of hostility were easily excited to arms. 
They concluded from Cortes' proposal of visiting Montezuma, 
in his capital, notwithstanding all his professions to the con- 
trary, that he courted the friendship of that monarch, whom 
they hated and feared. The Spaniards, from the smallness of 
their number, were objects of contempt ; not having any idea 
of the superiority which they derived from their arms and dis- 
cipline. 

374. Cortes, after waiting some days, in vain, the return of 
the ambassadors, advanced into the territory of the Tlascalans. 
As the resolutions of a people who delight in war, are executed 
with no less promptitude than they are formed, he found troops 
ready, in the field, to oppose him. They attacked him with 
great intrepidity ; and in the first encounter wounded some of 
the Spaniards, and killed two horses ; a loss, in their situation, 
of great moment, because it was irreparable. From this speci- 
men of the courage of his new enemies, Cortes saw the necessi- 
ty of proceeding with caution. His army marched in close 
order ; he chose his stations, where he halted, with attention, 
and fortified his camp with great care. 

375. During fourteen days he was exposed to almost unin- 
terrupted assaults; the Tlascalans advancing with numerous 
armies, and renewing the attack in various forms, with that 
valor and perseverance, to which the Spaniards had seen no 
parallel in the New World. But the account of battles must 
appear uninteresting when there is no equality of danger ; 
and when the narrative closes with an account of thousands 
slain on one side, and that not a single person falls on the 
other. 



AMERICA. 97 

376. The Spanish historians relate these combats with great 
pomp, and intermix incredible events ; but they cease to com- 
mand attention, when there was so great a disproportion be- 
tween the parties. There were some circumstances, however, 
that merit notice, as they display the character of the natives, 
and of their conquerors. Though the Tlascalans brought into 
the field such vast armies as appeared sufficient to have over- 
whelmed the Spaniards, yet they were never able to make any 
impression upon their small battalion. 

377. This is easily explained : though inured to war, like 
all the other inhabitants of the New World, they were unac- 
quainted with military order and discipline, and lost the advan- 
tage which they might have gained from their numbers, and 
the impetuosity of their attack, by their constant solicitude to 
carry off their dead and wounded : this v/as a point of honor 
with them, founded on a sentiment of tenderness natural to the 
human mind, strengthened by an anxiety to preserve the bod- 
ies of their countrymen from being devoured by their enemies. 

378. Attention to this pious office occupied them during the 
heat of combat, broke their union, and lessened the force of 
the impression which they might have made by a joint effort. 
The imperfection of their offensive weapons rendered their 
valor of little avail. After three battles, and many skirmishes 
and assaults, not one Spaniard was slain. Arrows and spears 
headed with flint or the bones of fishes, and wooden swords, 
though destructive weapons among naked Indians, were easily 
turned aside by the Spanish bucklers, and could hardly pene- 
trate the quilted jackets worn by the soldiers. 

379. Though the Tlascalans attacked the Spaniards with 
fury, yet they seemed to be actuated by a barbarous generosi- 
ty. They gave the Spaniards notice of their hostile intentions ; 
and as they knew they v.-anted provisions, and imagined, like 
other Americans, that they had left their own country because 
it did not afford them subsistence, they sent to their camp a 
large supply of poultry and maize, desiring them to eat plenti- 
fully, because they scorned to attack an enemy enfeebled by 
hunger ; as it would also be an affront to their gods to offer 
them famished victims, as well as disagreeable to themselves to 
feed upon such emaciated prey. 

380. After the first onset, finding they could not put this 
threat into execution, and that notwithstanding the utmost 
efforts of their valor, not one Spaniard was slain, they began 
to alter their opinion, and concluded their foes were a superior 
order of beings, against whom all human power could not 



98 HISTORY OF 

prevail. In this extremity they consulted their priests, who, 
after many sacrifices and incantations, delivered this answer : 
" That as the strangers were the offspring of the sun, they 
were invincible only when cherished by his beams : but that at 
night, when his warming influence was withdrawn, they be- 
came like other men, and were easily subdued." Opinions less 
plausible have gained credit with more enlightened nations. 

381. In consequence of this, the Tlascalans acted in contra- 
diction to one of their established maxims in war, and ventured 
to attack the enemy in the night, in hopes of destroying them, 
when weak, and off their guard. But Cortes had more dis- 
cernment than to be surprised or deceived by the rude strata- 
gems of an Indian army. The sentinels at the out-posts, ob- 
serving an uncommon movement in the Indian army, gave the 
alarm. In a moment the troops were under arms, and sallying 
out, dispersed them with great slaughter, without allowing them 
to approach the camp. 

382. Convinced by sad experience their priests had misled 
them, and satisfied that it was in vain to attempt to deceive or 
vanquish such powerful enemies, their fierceness began to 
abate, and they were seriously inclined to peace. They were, 
however, at a loss in what manner they should address the 
strangers ; what idea to form of their character, and whether 
to consider them as beings of a gentle or malevolent nature. 
There were circumstances in their conduct that seemed to 
favor each opinion. The Spaniards had constantly dismissed 
their prisoners with presents of European toys. 

383. This appeared extraordinary to men who were used to 
carry on an exterminating war, and who sacrificed and de- 
voured, without mercy, their captives taken in battle. On the 
other hand, Cortes had cut off the hands of fifty of the natives 
who came to the camp with provisions, and whom he took to 
be spies. This contrariety of conduct occasioned that doubt 
and uncertainty which appeared in their address : " If," said 
they, " you are divinities of a cruel and savage nature, we 
present to you five slaves, that you may drink their blood, and 
eat their flesh. If you are mild deities, accept an offering of 
incense and variegated plumes. If you are men, here is bread 
and fruit to nourish you." The peace was soon concluded ; 
the Tlascalans yielded themselves as vassals to the crown of 
Castile, and engaged to assist Cortes in his future operations. 
He took the republic under his protection, and promised to pro- 
tect their persons and property from injury and violence. 

384. The profound veneration of the Tlascalans, encour- 



AMERICA. 99 

aged Cortes to insist upon their abandoning their own super- 
stition, and embrace the Catholic faith. They were willing to 
acknowledge the truth and excellence of what he taught, but 
contended that their gods were divinities no less deserving of 
adoration, than those of the Spaniards ; and earnestly request- 
ed him not to urge them further upon a subject with which 
they could not yield a compliance. 

385. Cortes, enraged at their obstinacy, was preparing to 
effect by force what he could not accomplish by persuasion ; 
and would have overturned their altars and thrown down their 
idols, if father Bartholomew de Olmedo, chaplain to the ex- 
pedition, had not checked his inconsiderate impetuosity. He 
represented the imprudence of such an attempt ; and that re- 
ligion was not to be propagated by the sword, nor infidels to be 
converted by violence ; that other weapons were to be employ- 
ed in their ministry, that patient instruction must enlighten the 
understanding, and pious example captivate the heart, before 
men could be brought to embrace the great truths of the Chris- 
tian religion. 

386. That a monk in the sixteenth century, when the idea 
of toleration was unknown, and when the rights of conscience 
were little understood, should be among the first advocates 
against persecution, and appear in behalf of religious liberty, 
is really astonishing, and the mind is soothed with unexpected 
pleasure, to find such humane and liberal sentiments avowed in 
those dark ages of superstition. 

387. The remonstrances of Olmedo had their proper weight 
with Cortes : he left the Tlascalans to the undisturbed exercise 
of their own rites, requiring only that they should desist from 
their horrid practice of offering human victims in sacrifice. 
Cortes, as soon as the troops were fit for service, resolved to 
continue his march towards Mexico, notwithstanding the ear- 
nest dissuasive of the Tlascalans, who represented Montezuma 
as a faithless and cruel prince, who waited for an opportunity 
to destroy him. 

388. Accompanied by six thousand Tlascalans, they, on the 
thirteenth of October, 1519, directed their course toward Cho- 
lula; Montezuma, who had at length consented to admit the 
Spaniards into his presence, informed Cortes that he had given 
orders for his friendly reception there. Cholula was a conside- 
rable town, and though only five leagues distant from Tlascala, 
was formerly an independent state ; but had lately been sub- 
jected to the Mexican empire. 

389. This was considered by all the natives as a holy place, 



100 HISTORY OF 

the sanctuary of their gods, to which devotees resorted from 
every province, and a greater number of human victims were 
offered in its temple, than in that of Mexico. It was strongly 
suspected that Montezuma cherished a superstitious hope, that 
the gods would there revenge the insults with which the Span- 
iards everywhere treated them, or that he might have a greater 
certainty of success, as being under the protection of his gods. 
The event showed these suspicions were not ill founded. 

390. Cortes, who had been warned by the Tlascalans to 
keep a watchful eye upon the Cholulans, though received into 
the town with much seeming respect and cordiality, soon ob- 
served several circumstances in their conduct, which excited 
suspicion. Two of the Tlascalans, who were encamped at 
some distance from the town, and who were not admitted by 
their ancient enemies within their precincts, found means to 
enter in disguise, and informed Cortes that they observed the 
children of the principal citizens Tetiring in great haste every 
night, and that six children had been sacriliced in the chief 
temple ; a rite that indicated the execution of some warlike en- 
terprise was soon to be undertaken. 

391 . At the same time, Marina the interpreter, received in- 
formation from an Indian woman of distinction, whose confi- 
dence she had gained, that the destruction of her friends was 
concerted ; that a body of Mexican troops lay concealed near 
the town ; that some of the streets were barricadoed, and m 
others, pits and deep trenches were dug and slightly covered 
over, into which the horse might fall ; that stones and missile 
weapons were collected on the tops of the temples, with which 
to overwhelm the infantry; that the fatal hour was now at 
hand, and their ruin unavoidable. 

392. Cortes, alarmed at this concurring evidence, secretly 
arrested three of the chief priests ; from these he extorted a 
confession that confirmed the intelligence he had received. He 
therefore instantly resolved to prevent his enemies from effect- 
ing their designs, and to inflict such an exemplary vengeance, 
as would strike Montezuma and his subjects with terror. 

893. The Spaniards and Zempoallans were drawn up in a 
large square, which had been allotted them for quarters, near 
the centre of the town : the Tlascalans had orders to advance ; 
the magistrates and chief citizens were sent for under various 
pretexts, seized and confined. On a signal given, the troops 
rushed out, and fell upon the multitude who were destitute of 
leaders, and so much astonished, that the weapons fell from 
their hands, while they stood motionless, incapable of defence. 



AMERICA. 101 

As the Spaniards pressed them in front, the Tlascalans attacked 
them in the rear. The streets were filled with bloodshed and 
death. The temples, which afforded a retreat to the priests and 
some of the leading natives, were set on fire, and they perished 
in the flames. This scene of horror continued two days ; at 
length the carnage ceased, after the slaughter of six thousand 
Cholulans, without the loss of a single Spaniard. 

394. Cortes then released the magistrates, reproaching them 
bitterly for their intended treachery ; declaring that as justice 
was now appeased, he forgave the offence ; but required them 
to recall the citizens who had fled, and restore order in the 
town. Such was the ascendency which the Spaniards had ac- 
quired over these superstitious people, and so deeply were they 
impressed with an opinion that they were more than mortals, 
that they immediately obeyed the command. 

395. The city was in a few days repeopled, who, amidst the 
ruin of their sacred buildings, yielded respectful service to the 
men who had imbrued their hands in the blood of their rela- 
tions and friends. From Cholula, Cortes advanced directly to- 
wards Mexico, which was only sixty miles distant. As they 
passed through the country, the soldiers were greatly animated ; 
for, descending from the mountains of Chalco, across which 
the road lay, the vast plain of Mexico opened to their view. 

396. When they first beheld this prospect, one of the most 
striking and beautiful on the face of the earth, when they ob- 
served fertile and cultivated fields, stretching farther than the 
eye could reach ; when they saw a lake resembling the sea in 
extent, and discovered the capital city rising upon an island in 
the middle, adorned with its temples and turrets, the scene so 
far exceeded their imagination, that some were induced to be- 
lieve the fanciful descriptions of romance were realized, and 
that its enchanted palaces and gilded domes were presented to 
their sight : others could hardly be persuaded that this wonder- 
ful spectacle was any thing more than a dream. 

397. As they advanced, their doubts were removed, but their 
amazement increased. They were now fully satisfied that the 
country was rich, beyond what they had conceived ; and flat- 
tered themselves that they should soon obtain an ample reward 
for all their services and sufferings. 

398. As they approached near the city, several circumstances 
occurred which made them suspect that some design was formed 
to surprise and cut them off. No enemy, however, appeared ; 
several messengers arrived successively from Montezuma, per- 
mitting them one day to advance, requiring them on the next 

12 



102 HISTORY OF 

to retire, as his hopes and fears alternately prevailed; and, so 
strange was this infatuation, that Cortes was almost at the gates 
of the capital, before the monarch had determined whether to 
receive him as a friend, or to oppose him as an enemy. 

399. The Spaniards, without regarding the fluctuation of 
Montezuma's sentiments, continued their march along the 
causeway that led to the city, through the lake, with great 
caution, and the strictest discipline, — though without betraying 
any symptoms of distrust of the prince, whom they were about 
to visit. 

400. When they drew near the city, about a thousand per- 
sons, who appeared to be of distinction, came forth to meet 
them, adorned with plumes, and clad in garments of fine cot- 
ton. Each of these, in his order, passed by Cortes, and saluted 
him according to the mode practised in that country ; express- 
ing the utmost respect and submission : they announced the 
approach of Montezuma himself; and soon after his harbingers 
came in sight. 

401. There appeared first, two hundred persons in an uni- 
forn^ dress, with large plumes of feathers, alike in fashion, 
marching two and two in deep silence, and barefooted, with 
their eyes fixed on the ground. These were followed by a com- 
pany of higher rank, in their most showy apparel ; in the 
midst of these was Montezuma, in a chair, or litter, richly or- 
namented with gold, and feathers of various colors ; others 
supported a canopy of curious workmanship over his head, and 
four of his principal favorites carried him on their shoulders. 
Before him marched three officers, with rods of gold in their 
hands, which they lifted up at certain intervals : at which sig- 
nal, all the people bowed their heads and hid their faces, as un- 
worthy to look on so great a monarch. 

402. AVhen he drew near, Cortes dismounted; and, with 
great appearance of respect, saluted him in the European man- 
ner. At the same time, Montezuma descended from his chair, 
and leaning on the arms of two of his nearest relations, ap- 
proached with a slow and stately pace : his attendants covering 
the streets with cotton-cloths, that he might not touch the 
ground. He returned the salutation of Cortes, according to 
the mode of his country, by touching the earth with his hand, 
and then kissing it. By this condescension of Montezuma, his 
subjects firmly believed that those persons, before whom he had 
humbled himself, were more than human. 

403. This was afterwards confirmed as they marched 
through the crowd ; the natives, to the great satisfaction of the 



AMERICA. 103 

Spaniards, being frequently heard to call them Teules, or di- 
vinities. Montezuma conducted Cortes to the quarters which 
he had prepared for his reception ; and immediately took leave 
of him with a politeness not unworthy of a court more refined. 
" You are now," said he, " with your brothers, in your own 
house ; refresh yourselves after your fatigue, and be happy 
until I return." The place allotted to the Spaniards, by Mon- 
tezuma, was a house built by the father of Montezum>a : it was 
surrounded by a stone wall, with towers at proper distances, 
which served for defence as well as ornament; and was so 
large as to accommodate both the Spaniards and their Indian 
allies. 

404. The first care of Cortes was" to put the place in a pos- 
ture of defence : he planted the artillery at every avenue which 
led to it : he appointed a large division of his troops to be al- 
ways on guard ; and posted sentinels at proper distances, with 
orders to observe the same vigilance, as if they were in sight 
of an enemy's camp. 

405. In the evening, Montezuma returned to visit his guests, 
with the same pomp as at their first interview ; and brought 
presents of such value, not only to Cortes and his officers, but 
even to the private men, as proved the liberality of the mon- 
arch, and the opulence of the kingdom. A long conference 
ensued, in which Cortes learned what was the opinion of Mon- 
tezuma, with respect to the Spaniards. 

406. He told him, that it was an estabhshed opinion among 
the Mexicans, handed down to them by tradition, that their an- 
cestors came originally from a remote region, and conquered 
the provinces that were now subject to his dominion ; that after 
they were settled there, the great captain who conducted them, 
returned to his own country ; and promised, that at some fu- 
ture period his descendants should visit them, assume the gov- 
ernment, and reform their constitution and laws ; and that from 
what he had seen of Cortes and his followers, he was convinced 
they were the very persons their traditions and prophecies had 
taught them to expect ; and that he received them, accordingly, 
as relations of the same blood and parentage ; and desired them 
to consider themselves as masters in his dominions : for both 
himself and subjects should be~ ready to comply with their 
will. 

407. Cortes replied in his usual style, with respect to the 
dignity and power of his sovereign, and his intentions in send- 
ing him into that country : artfully framing his discourse so as 
to coincide with the idea which ^lontezuma had formed con- 



104 HISTORY OF 

cerning the original of the Spaniards. Next morning, Cortes 
and some of his principal attendants were admitted to a public 
audience of the emperor. The three subsequent days were 
employed in viewing the city ; the appearance of which filled 
them with surprise and admiration. 

408. Mexico, Tenuchtitlan, as it was anciently called by the 
natives, is situated in a large plain surrounded by mountains 
of such height, that though within the torrid zone, the tempe- 
rature of its climate is mild and healthful } all the moisture 
which descends from the high grounds is collected in several 
lakes : the two largest of which, about ninety miles in circum- 
ference, communicate with each other ; the waters of one are 
fresh, the other brackish : on the banks of the latter the capi- 
tal of Montezuma's empire was built. The access to the city 
was by artificial causeways or streets, formed of stones or 
earth about thirty feet in breadth. On the east was no cause- 
way, and the city could only be approached by canoes. 

409. Not only the temples of their gods, but the houses of 
the monarch, and those of persons of distinction, in compari- 
son with any other buildings which' the Spaniards had seen in 
America, might be termed magnificent. But though the novelty 
of those objects might amuse or astonish the Spaniards, they 
felt the utmost solicitude with respect to their own situation. 
They were now lodged in the capital, in which they reckoned 
there were at least sixty thousand inhabitants : shut up, as it 
were, in a snare, from which it seemed impossible to escape ; 
they were moreover assured by the Tlascalans, that Mexican 
priests had counselled their sovereign to admit the Spaniards 
into the capital, that they might cut them ofl^ at one blow with 
perfect security. 

410. Although Montezuma had received them with distin- 
guished respect, they had reason to doubt his sincerity : yet 
even if they could suppose it to be real, they could not depend 
upon it : as an order flowing from his caprice, or a word ut- 
tered in passion, might irrevocably determine their fate. These 
reflections made a very deep impression upon the mind of 
Cortes. 

' 411. Before he set out from Cholula, he had received ad- 
vices from Villa Rica, that Qualpopoca, one of the Mexican 
generals, had assembled an army in order to attack some of 
the people, whom the Spaniards had encouraged to throw ofl* 
the Mexican yoke : — Escalante having marched out with part 
of the garrison, to succor his allies, himself, and seven of his 
men, had been mortally wounded ; that one Spaniard had been 



AMERICA. 105 

surrounded and taken alive ; his head cut off; sent in triumph 
to the different cities, and last to Mexico, to convince the people 
their invaders were not invuhierable. 

412. Cortes, though alarmed with this intelhgence, as an 
indication of Montezuma's hostile intentions, had nevertheless 
continued his march. But as soon as he entered Mexico, he 
became sensible that he had pushed forwards into a situation 
where it was difficult to continue, and from which it was dan- 
gerous to retire. Disgrace, and perhaps death, would be the 
certain consequence of the latter. 

413. The success of the enterprise depended upon support- 
ing that high opinion which the natives had formed with re- 
spect to the irresistible power of his arms ; upon the first ap- 
pearance of timidity on his part, their veneration would cease, 
and Montezuma v/ould be encouraged to let loose upon him the 
whole forces of his empire 

414. His situation Vvas trying, but his mind was equal to it ; 
and after revolving the matter with deep attention, he resolved 
upon a measure, the boldest and most daring that ever entered 
into the mind of man ; which was no less than to seize Mon- 
tezuma in his palace, and to carry him a prisoner to the Span- 
ish quarters. This he immediately proposed to his of!ic«rs. 
The timid startled at a measure so audacious : the more intelli- 
gent and resolute warmly approved of it ; conscious that it was 
tlie only resource m which there was any prospect of safety, 
and brought over their companions so cordially to be of the 
same opinion, that it was agreed instantly to make the attempt. 
At his usual hour of visiting Montezuma, Cortes went to the 
palace, accompanied by Alvarado, Sandoval, Lugo, Velasquez 
de Leon, and Davilla, five of his principal officers, and as many 
trusty soldiers. 

415. Thirty chosen men followed ; not in regular order, but 
sauntering at some distance, as if their only object was curi- 
osity ; other small parties were posted at proper intervals, iij 
all the streets leading from the Spanish quarters to the palace, 
and the remainder of his troops, with the Tlascalan allies, 
were under arms, ready to sally out on the first alarm. Cortes 
and his companions were admitted without suspicion, the Mexi- 
can attendants retiring out of respect. He addressed the mon- 
arch in a tone very different from that which he had formerly 
been accustomed to do, reproaching him bitterly, as the author 
of the violent assault, made upon the Spaniards by one of his 
officers, and demanded public reparation for the loss he had 
sustained, by the deatli of some of his companions, as well as 



106 HISTORY OF 

for the insult offered to the great prince whose servants they 
were. 

416. Montezuma, confounded at this unexpected accusation, 
and changing color, either from consciousness of guilt, or 
from feeling the indignity with which he was treated, asserted 
his own innocence with great earnestness ; and as a proof of 
it, instantly gave orders to bring Qualpopoca and his accom- 
plices prisoners to Mexico. Corters replied, that a declaration 
so respectable left no doubt on his mind, but that something 
more was requisite to satisfy his followers, who would never 
be convinced that Montezuma did not harbor hostile intentions 
against them, unless, as a proof of his confidence and attach- 
ment, he removed from his own palace, and took up his resi- 
dence in the Spanish quarters, where he should be served and 
honored as became a great monarch. 

417. This strange proposition at first bereaved Montezuma 
of speech, and almost of motion. At length indignation gave 
him utterance ; and he haughtily answered, " That persons of 
his rank were not accustomed voluntarily to give up them- 
selves as prisoners ; and were he mean enough to do so, his 
subjects would not permit such an affront to be oflfered to their 
sovereign." Cortes, unwilling to employ force, endeavored 
by turns to intimidate and soothe him. The altercation be- 
came warm, and having continued three hours, Velasquez de 
Leon, an impetuous and gallant young man, impatiently ex- 
claimed, " Why waste more time in vain ? let us either seize 
him instantly, or stab him to the heart." The threatening 
voice and fierce gestures with which these words were uttered, 
struck Montezuma. He was sensible the Spaniards had now 
proceeded too far to hope they would recede. 

418. His own danger was imminent, the necessity unavoida- 
ble. He saw both, and abandoning himself to his fate com- 
plied with their request. His officers were called : he commu- 
nicated to them his resolution. Though astonished and afflict- 
ed, they presumed not to question the will of their master, but 
carried him in silent pomp, all bathed in tears, to the Spanish 
quarters. 

419. When it became publicly known that the strangers 
were conveying away the emperor, the people broke out into 
the wildest excesses of grief and rage, threatening the Span- 
iards with immediate destruction for their impious audacity. 
But as soon as Montezuma appeared with a seeming gaiety of 
countenance, and waved his hand, the tumult was hushed; 
and upon his declaring it to be his own choice that he went to 



AMERICA. 107 

reside for a short time among his new friends, the multitude, 
taught to revere every intimation of their sovereign's pleasure, 
quietly dispersed. 

420. Thus this powerful prince, at noon-day, in the midst of 
his capital, was seized and carried otf-a prisoner, by a few 
strangers. When we consider the temerity of the attempt, and 
its successful execution, we can, with propriety, assert there is 
nothing in history parallel to it : and were it not authenticated 
by the most unquestionable evidence, the whole narration would 
appear so wild and extravagant, as to go beyond the bounds of 
that verisimilitude which must be preserved even in fictitious 
narrations. 

421. Montezuma was received at the Spanish quarters with 
great ceremonious respect. He was attended by his own do- 
mestics. His principal officers had free access to him, and car- 
ried on all the functions of government, as if he had been at 
pertect liberty. He was, nevertheless, watched with all the 
scrupulous vigilance requisite in guarding such an important 
prize : from captive princes, the hour of humiliation and suf- 
fering is not far distant. Qualpopoca and his son, with five of 
the principal officers who had served under him, were brought 
prisoners to the capital, by order of Montezuma, and given up 
to Cortes : they were tried by a Spanish court-martial ; and 
condemned to be burned at a stake ; though they acted as brave 
and loyal subjects in obeying the orders of their sovereign, and 
in opposing the invaders of their country. 

422. The unhappy victims were instantly led forth. The 
pile on which they were laid was composed of the weapons 
collected in the royal magazine for the public defence. An in- 
numerable multitude of Mexicans beheld, in silent astonishment, 
this new insult offered to the majesty of their empire : an offi- 
cer of distinction committed to the flames, by the authority of 
strangers, for having done that duty he owed to his sovereign : 
and the arms provided by their ancestors for avenging such 
wrongs, consumed before their eyes. 

423. Cortes, convinced that Qualpopoca would not have ven- 
tured to attack Escalante without orders from his master, was 
not satisfied with the punishment of the instrument, while the 
author escaped with impunity. Just before Qualpopoca was 
led out to suffer, Cortes entered the apartment of Montezuma, 
followed by some of his officers, and a soldier carrying a pair 
of fetters ; and approaching the monarch with a stern coun- 
tenance, told him, that the persons who were now going to suf- 
fer, had charged their sovereign as the cause of the outrage 



108 HISTORY OF 

that was committed ; and it was necessary that he likewise should 
make atonement for that guilt ; without waiting for a reply, he 
commanded his soldiers to clap the fetters on his legs. The 
orders were instantly obeyed. 

424. The monarch, who had been accustomed to have his 
person acknowledged as sacred and inviolable, considering this 
profanation of it as a prelude to his death, broke out into loud 
lamentations and complaints. His attendants fell at his feet, 
and bathed them with their tears, bearing up the fetters in their 
hands with officious tenderness, to lighten their pressure. 

425. When Cortes returned from the execution, he appeared 
with a cheerful countenance ; and ordered the fetters to be 
taken off. As Montezuma's spirits had sunk with unmanly de- 
jection, they now rose to indecent exultation, and he passed at 
once from the anguish of despair, to transports of joy and fond- 
ness towards his deliverers. The spirits of Montezuma were 
now subdued. Cortes availed himself to the utmost of the power 
he had acquired over him. 

426. Several Spaniards were afterwards sent in company 
with some Mexicans of distinction, as guides and protectors, to 
explore the different parts of the empire. While they were 
thus employed, Cortes, in the name of Montezuma, degraded 
some of the principal officers, whose abilities and independent 
spirit had excited his jealousy ; and substituted in their places 
others more obsequious to his will. 

427. There was yet wanting one thing to complete his se- 
curity : he wished to have command of the lake, that he might 
insure a retreat, should the Mexicans take arms against him. 
This Montezuma enabled him to accomplish. Cortes had given 
him a pompous description of those floating palaces that move 
on the water, without the aid of oars. Having thus excited 
Montezuma's curiosity, and under pretence of gratifying him, 
he persuaded the monarch to appoint some of his subjects to 
convey his naval stores from Vera Cruz to Mexico, and em- 
ployed others in cutting timber: with this assistance, the Span- 
ish carpenters soon completed two brigantines which were con- 
sidered by Cortes as a certain resource, if a retreat should be 
necessary. 

428. This tame submission to his will, encouraged Cortes to 
put it to a proof still more trying. He urged Montezuma to 
acknowledge himself a vassel of the king of Castile, and to 
subject his dominions to the payment of an annual tribute. 
With this requisition Montezuma was so obsequious as to com- 
ply. The chief men of the empire being called together, he, 



AMERICA. 109 

with great solemnity, reminded them of the traditions and pro- 
phecies which led them to expect the arrival of a people, sprung 
from the same stock as themselves, in order to take the su- 
preme power into their own hands ; he declared his belief, that 
the Spaniards were this promised race ; and therefore he ac- 
knowledged their monarch as possessing the right to govern 
the Mexican empire; that he would lay his crown at his feet, 
and obey him as a tributary. 

429. While Montezuma uttered these words, tears and groans 
interrupted his utterance ; he still retained such a sense of dig- 
nity, as to feel that pang which touches the heart of princes, 
when constrained to resign independent power. The assembly 
were struck with astonishment, and a sullen murmur indicated 
their surprise and indignation ; and threatened some violent 
eruption of rage to be near at hand. Cortes foreseeing this, 
seasonably interposed to prevent it, by declaring that his master 
liad no intention to deprive Montezuma of his authority or 
royal dignity ; or to make any alteration in the laws or consti- 
tution of the Mexican empire ; this assurance, and the mon- 
arch's example, together with their dread of the Spanish power, 
extorted a reluctant consent from the assemblj^. 

430. This act of submission and homage, was executed with 
all the formalities which the Spaniards were pleased to pre- 
scribe. Montezuma, at the instigation of Cortes, accompanied 
this submission with a magnificent present to his new sovereign ; 
and his subjects, stimulated by his example, brought in very 
liberal contributions. 

431. But hov/ever pliant Montezuma might be in other mat- 
ters, he was inflexible with respect to his religion. Though 
Cortes often urged him with the zeal of a missionary to re- 
nounce his false gods, and embrace the Catholic faith, he al- 
ways rejected the proposition with horror. Cortes was so en- 
raged at his obstinacy that, in a transport of zeal, he led out 
his soldiers to throw down the idols in the great temple by force. 
But the priests and people taking arms in defence of their altars, 
the zeal of Cortes was overruled by prudence, and he was in- 
duced to desist from his rash attempt, after dislodging the idols 
from one of the shrines, and placing the image of the Virgin 
in its place. 

432. From that moment the Mexicans began to meditate how 
they might expel or destroy the Spaniards, and believed them- 
selves called upon to avenge the insult offered to their gods. 
The priests and leading men held frequent consultations with 
Montezuma for this purpose. But as it might prove fatal to the 

K 



110 HISTORY OF 

captive monarch to attempt either the one or the other by vio- 
lence, he was wiUing to try more gentle means. Having called 
Cortes into his presence, he observed that now, " as all the 
purposes of his embassy were fully accomplished, the gods had 
declared their will, and the people were unanimous in their de- 
sire, that he and his followers should instantly depart out of 
the empire." With this he required them to comply, or un- 
avoidable destruction would fall suddenly on their heads. 

433. The tenor of this unexpected requisition, as well as the 
determined tone in which it was uttered, left Cortes no room to 
doubt, that it was the result of some deep-laid scheme concerted 
between Montezuma and his subjects. He coolly replied, " He 
had already begun to prepare for returning to his own country ; 
but as the vessels in which he came were destroyed, some time 
was requisite for building other ships." 

434. This appearing reasonable, a number of Mexicans 
were sent to Vera Cruz, to cut down timber ; and some Span- 
ish carpenters were appointed to superintend the work. Cortes 
flattered himself that during this interval, he should receive 
such reinforcements, as would enable him to despise every 
danger. 

435. Nine months had now elapsed since Portocarrero and 
Montejo had sailed with his dispatches to Spain ; he daily ex- 
pected their return with a confirmation of his authority from 
the king ; without this his condition was insecure and preca- 
rious. 

436. While he remained in this suspense, uncertain with re- 
spect to the future, and by the late declaration of Montezuma, 
oppressed with a new addition of cares, a Mexican courier in- 
formed him of some ships having appeared on the coast. 
Cortes, elated with this intelligence, imagined they were rein- 
forcements arrived to strengthen and forward his conquests : 
and that the completion of all his wishes and hopes was at 
hand : he imparted the glad tidings to his companions, who re- 
ceived them with transports of mutual congratulation. Their 
joy was short ; a message from Sandoval, whom Cortes had 
made governor of Vera Cruz in the room of Escalante, brought 
certain intelligence that the armament was fitted out by Velas- 
quez governor of Cuba, and threatened them with immediate 
destruction. 

437. The armament consisted of eighteen ships, which had 
on board fourscore horsemen, eight hundred foot-soldiers, of 
whom eighty were musketeers, and a hundred and twenty 
cross-bow men, together with a train of twelve pieces of can- 



AMERICA. Ill 

non. This force was commanded by Pamfilo de Narvaez, with 
instructions to seize Cortes and his principal officers ; send 
them prisoners to Cuba, and then to complete the discovery and 
conquest of the country in Velasquez' name. 

438. Narvaez had knded his men without opposition, near 
St. Juan de Ulloa. Three soldiers, whom Cortes had sent to 
search for mines, deserted and joined Narvaez : by them he 
was informed of the progress and situation of Cortes ; and as 
they had learned the Mexican language, were the more accept- 
able, as they would serve as interpreters. Narvaez having sent 
a summons to the governor of Vera Cruz, to surrender, Gua- 
vara, a priest, whom he employed in that service, made the de- 
mand with such insolence, that Sandoval, an officer of high 
spirit, and zealously attached to Cortes, instead of complying 
with his terms, seized him, and his officers, and sent them pris- 
oners in chains to Mexico. 

4.39.. Cortes received them not as enemies, but as friends, 
condemning the severity of Sandoval, set them immediately at 
liberty. By this well-timed clemency, seconded by caresses 
and presents, he gained their confidence, and drew from them 
such particulars concerning the force and intentions of Nar- 
vaez, as gave a view of the impending danger, in its fullest 
extent. 

440. He had now to take the field against an army in cour- 
age and martial discipline equal to his own ; in number far su- 
perior, commanded by an officer of known bravery. Narvaez, 
more solicitous to gratify the resentment of Velasquez, than 
attentive to the honor and interest of his country, had repre- 
sented Cortes and his followers, to the natives, as fugitives and 
rebels, who had unjustly invaded the Mexican empire ; and that 
his sole object was to punish the Spaniards, and rescue them 
from their oppression. The same unfavorable representations 
had been conveyed to Montezuma. 

441. Animated with the prospect of being set free from sub- 
jection to strangers, the provinces began openly to revolt from 
Cortes ; and regarded Narvaez as their deliverer. Montezuma 
kept up a secret intercourse with the new commander, and 
courted his favor. 

442. Such were the dangers and difficulties which presented 
themselves to the view of Cortes. No situation could be more 
trying. If he should abandon the capital, and set the captive 
monarch at liberty, and march out to meet the enemy, he must 
at once give up all the fruits of his toils and victory, and re- 
linquish advantages which could not be recovered without in- 



112 HISTORY OF 

finite danger. The natural haughtiness of Narvaez precluded 
all hopes of succeeding by conciliatory measures. 

443. After revolving every scheme with deep attention, Cor- 
tes fixed on that which was the most hazardous, but if success- 
ful, would be most honorable and beneficial to himself and his 
country. With decisive intrepidity he, in this desperate situa- 
tion, determined to make one bold effort for victory under 
every disadvantage, rather than sacrifice his own conquests, 
and the Spanish interests in Mexico. But as it would have 
been impolitic to advance in arms against his countrym-en, 
without first attempting to adjust matters by an amicable ne- 
gotiation ; he employed his chaplain, Olmedo, in this service, 
to whose character the function was well suited, and who was 
possessed of such prudence and address as qualified him for 
such affairs ; in him Cortes placed his chief confidence. 

444. All terms of accommodation were rejected Math scorn 
by Narvaez, who, by a public proclamation, denounced Cortes 
and his companions rebels and enemies to their country. The 
intrigues of Olmedo were more successful : he had letters to 
deliver from Cortes and his ofiicers, to their ancient friends and 
companions : these were accompanied with presents of rings 
and chains of gold, which inspired those needy adventurers 
with high ideas of ihe wealth he had acquired, and envy of the 
good fortune of those who were engaged in his service. 

445. They declared for an immediate accommodation with 
Cortes ; but Narvaez, upon discovering the inclinations of the 
army towards an accommodation, became irritated almost to 
madness. In a transport of rage, he set a price upon the head 
of Cortes, and his principal officers ; and having learned that 
he was now advanced within a league of Zempoal!a with his 
small body of men, he considered this such an insult, as merit- 
ed immediate chastisement, and marched out with all his troops 
to offer him battle. 

446. Cortes was a leader of greater abilities and experience 
than to fight an enemy so far superior in number on equal 
ground. Having stationed his army on the opposite bank of 
the river de Canoas, where he was safe from any attack, he be- 
held the approach of the enemy without concern, and disre- 
garded his vain bravado. The wet season had set in, and the 
rain had poured down during a great part of the day, with a 
violence peculiar to the Torrid Zone. 

447. The followers of Narvaez, unaccustomed to the severi- 
ty of a military life, murmured at being thus fruitlessly expos- 
ed : this, together with the contempt he had for his enemy, in« 



AMERICA. 113 

duced him to permit them to retire to Zempoalla. The very- 
circumstance that made Narvaez quit the field, encouraged 
Cortes to form a scheme by which he hoped at once to termi- 
nate the war. 

448. His hardy veterans, though standing under the tor- 
rents, without a single tent, or any shelter to cover them, were 
so far from repining at hardships which were become familiar 
to them, that they were still fresh and alert for service. He 
knew that the enemy would give themselves up to repose after 
their fatigue, and deem themselves perfectly secure at a season 
so unfit for action. He resolved therefore to surprise them by 
an unexpected attack in the night. His soldiers, knowing that 
there was no resource but in some desperate effort of courage, 
approved of the measure with such warmth, that Cortes in an 
oration which he delivered to them was more careful to temper, 
than to inflame their ardor. 

449. He divided them into three parties: Sandoval com- 
manded the first; this gallant officer was intrusted with the 
most dangerous and important service, that of seizing the ene- 
my's artillery, which was planted before the principal towers 
of the temple, where Narvaez had fixed his head-quarters. 
Christoval de Olid commanded the second, with orders to as- 
sault the tower and lay hold on the general. Cortes himself 
conducted the last and smallest division, which was to act as a 
body of reserve, and to support the other two as there should 
be occasion. 

450. Having passed the river de Canoas, which was so 
swelled with the rains, that the water reached their chins, they 
advanced in profound silence, each man armed with his sword, 
his dagger, and his Chinantlan spear. Narvaez, remiss in 
proportion to his security, had posted only two sentinels to 
watch the motions of an enemy, whom he had such good cause 
to dread. One of these was seized by the advance guard of 
Cortes' troops, the other made his escape, and hurrying to the 
town, spread the alarm of the enemy's approach, so that there 
was full time to prepare for their reception. But through the 
arrogance and infatuation of Narvaez, the important interval 
was lost. He charged the sentinel with cowardice, and treated 
with derision the idea of being attacked by forces so unequal 
to his own. The shouts of Cortes' soldiers, however, con- 
vinced him at last of his mistake. 

451. The mpidity with which they advanced was such that 
they fired but one cannon, before Sandoval's party closed with 
them, drove them from their guns, and had begim to force their 

K2 



114 HISTORY OF 

way up the steps of the tower. Narvaez, as brave in action 
as presumptuous in conduct, armed himself in haste, and by 
his voice and example endeavored to animate his men to the 
combat. Olid advanced to sustain his companions ; and Cortes 
himself, rushing to the front, conducted and added new vigor 
to the attack. The compact order of this small body, and the 
impenetrable front they presented with their long spears, bore 
down all opposition. 

452. They had now reached the gate, and as they were en- 
deavoring to force it open, a soldier set fire to the reeds with 
which the tower was covered, and forced Narvaez to sally out. 
In the first encounter, he was wounded in the eye with a spear, 
and falling to the ground, he was, in a moment, clapped in fet- 
ters. 

453. The shout of victory resounded among the troops of 
Cortes. Those who had sallied out with their leader, feebly 
maintained the conflict, or began to surrender. Terror and 
confusion prevailed. Their own artillery was pointed against 
them ; wherever they turned their eyes, they beheld with as- 
tonishment, lights gleaming through the obscurity of the night ; 
which, although proceeding from what is now well known by 
the name of the firefly, which abounds in sultry climates, their 
aflrighted imaginations, represented as numerous bands of 
musketeers, advancing with lighted matches to the attack. Af- 
ter a short resistance, the soldiers compelled their officers to 
capitulate ; and before morning all had laid down their arms, 
and quietly submitted to their conquerors. 

454. This complete victory was the more acceptable, as it 
was gained with little bloodshed ; only two of the soldiers of 
Cortes being slain : as were also two officers and fifteen pri- 
vates of the adverse party. Cortes treated the vanquished as 
friends ; offered to send them immediately back to Cuba, or 
take them into his service, as partners of his fortune, and on 
the same terms as his own soldiers. They eagerly embraced 
the latter proposal, and vied with each other in professions of 
fidelity and attachment to a general, who had given such a con- 
vincing proof of his abilities for command. 

455. Cortes was now placed at the head of a thousand 
Spaniards, eager to follow wherever he should lead them. 
Doubly fortunate was this victory for Cortes, as he received 
intelligence, a few days afterwards, that the Mexicans had de- 
stroyed his brigantines, and had fallen upon the small party he 
had left with Alvarado ; had reduced to ashes the magazine 
of provisions, and carried on hostilities, with such fury, that 



AMERICA. 115 

although the Spaniards defended themselves with uncommon 
bravery, yet without succor they must soon have been cut off 
by famine, or sink under the multitude of their enemies. 

456. The Mexicans had flattered themselves that now, when 
their invaders were divided, was the time to deliver themselves 
from the odious dominion of strangers, and release their sov- 
ereign. Alvarado, though a gallant officer, had not that ca- 
pacity and dignity of manners, by which Cortes had acquired 
such an ascendency over the minds of the natives. Instead of 
employing address to disconcert the plan or soothe the spirits 
of the Mexicans, he waited the return of one of their solem.n 
festivals, and when the principal persons of the empire were 
dancing in the court of the great temple, he seized all the aven- 
ues which led to it, and allured partly by the rich ornaments 
which they wore in honor of their gods, partly by the facility 
of cutting off at once the authors of a conspiracy which he 
dr(^aded, he fell upon them, unarmed and unexpected, and mas- 
sacred a great number, those only escaping who made their 
way over the battlements of the temple. 

457. This treacherous and cruel action filled the city and the 
whole empire, with indignation and rage. All called aloud for 
vengeance ; and regardless of the life or safety of the mon- 
arch, or of their own danger in assaulting an enemy, who had 
been so long the object of their terror, they committed all those 
acts of violence of which Cortes had received an account. 

458. To him the danger appeared so imminent as to admit 
of no delay. He set out instantly with all his forces. At Tlas- 
cala he was joined by two thousand chosen warriors. On en- 
tering the Mexican territories, he found disaffection to the Span- 
iards was not confined to the capital. The principal inhabit- 
ants had deserted the towns through which he passed : no per- 
son of note appeared to meet him with the expected respect ; no 
provision made for the subsistence of his troops, as usual ; and 
though he was permitted to advance without opposition, solitude 
and silence reigned in every place ; a deep-rooted antipathy had 
taken place, which excited the most just alarm. 

459. P-fotwithstanding their enmity was become so implaca- 
ble, they knew not how to take proper measures for their own 
safety, or the destruction of their enemies. Instead of break- 
ing down the bridges and causeways, by which they might 
have inclosed Alvarado and his party, and stopped the career 
of Cortes, they again suffered him to march quietly ; and on 
the twenty. fourth of June, 1520, he took peaceable possession 
of his former quarters. 



116 HISTORY OF 

460. The transports of joy, with which Alvarado received 
Cortes and his companions, cannot be described ; but the gene- 
ral seemed to have forgotten that sagacity and caution, which 
had hitherto accompanied him. He not only neglected to visit 
Montezuma, but added expressions full of contenipt for that 
prince and his people. 

461. The forces of which he had now the command, ap- 
peared to him irresistible ; so that he began to assume a higher 
tone, and lay aside the mask of moderation, under which he 
had hitherto concealed his designs. Some Mexicans, who un- 
derstood the Spanish language, reported the contemptuous 
words and conduct of Cortes, to their countrymen, which re- 
newed their rage. They resumed their arms, with additional 
fury, and attacked a body of Spaniards, as they were march- 
ing to the great square, where the public market was held ; and 
compelled them to retire with loss. Delighted to find that their 
oppressors were not invincible, they advanced next day with 
extraordinary martial pomp, to assault the Spanish quarters. 

462. Their number was formidable, and their courage great. 
Though the artillery was pointed against them, when they were 
crowded in narrow streets, and swept off multitudes at every 
discharge, their impetuosity did not abate. Their broken ranks 
were continually filled up with fresh men ; these were succeed- 
ed by others no less intrepid and eager on vengeance. The 
abilities and experience of Cortes, seconded by the disciplined 
valor of his troops, was hardly sufficient to defend the fortifi- 
cations, into which the enemy were several times on the point 
of entering. 

463. Some immediate and extraordinary eflx)rt was now re- 
quisite to extricate themselves out of their present situation. 
As soon as the evening induced the Mexicans to retire, in com- 
pliance with their custom of ceasing from hostilities with the 
setting sun, Cortes began to prepare for a sally, with such a 
force as might either drive the enemy out of the city, or compel 
them to listen to terms of accommodation. 

464. He conducted in person the troops destined for this im- 
portant enterprise. Every invention known at that time in the 
European art of war, as well as every precaution suggested 
by his long experience in the Indian mode of fighting, were 
employed to insure success. The enemy he found ready pre- 
pared, and determined to oppose him. The force of the Mexi- 
cans was greatly increased by fresh troops, which poured in 
continually from the country. Led by their nobles, inflamed 
by their priests, and fighting in defence of their families, under 



AMERICA. 117 

the eye, as they judged, of their gods, they made a desperate 
resistance, and fought with enthusiastic ardor, in contempt of 
danger and death. Wherever the Spaniards could close with 
them, the superiority of their arms and discipline obliged the 
natives to give way ; but, in the narrow streets, and where the 
bridges of communication were broken down, they could sel- 
dom come to a fair encounter, and the Spaniards, as they ad- 
vanced, were exposed to showers of arrows and stones from 
the tops of houses. 

465. After a day of incessant exertion, though vast num- 
bers of the Mexicans fell, and part of the city was burned, the 
Spaniards, weary v/ith the slaughter, were at length disposed 
to retire, with the mortification of having accomplished nothing 
so decisive, as to compensate for the loss of twelve soldiers 
killed, and sixteen wounded : another sally was made with 
greater force, but with no better success ; and in it the general 
was wounded in the hand. Cortes perceived, when it M'as too 
late, his error in treating the Mexicans with contempt. He be- 
came sensible that he could neither maintain his present station 
in the city, or retire from it without imminent danger. There 
was, however, one resource left ; Montezuma was still in his 
power. 

466. When the Mexicans approached next morning to re- 
new the assault, that unfortunate prince was reduced to the sad 
necessity of becoming the instrument of his own disgrace : ho 
advanced to the battlements in his royal robes, and with all the 
pomp in which he used to appear on solemn occasions. At the 
sight of their sovereign, the weapons dropped from their hands, 
every tongue was silent, all bowed their heads, and many pros- 
trated themselves on the ground. He tried to assuage their 
rage by every soothing argument ; but when he had ended his 
discourse, a sullen murmur ran through the crowd ; to this 
succeeded reproaches and threats ; and their fury rising, in a 
moment, above every restraint and respect, flights of arrows? 
and volleys of stones poured in so violently from the ramparts, 
that before the Spanish soldiers had time to shield Montezuma 
with their bucklers, two arrows wounded the unhappy mon- 
arch, and a stone which struck him on the temple, brought him 
to the ground. 

467. On seeing him fall, the Mexicans were so much aston- 
ished, that they passed in a moment from one extreme to an- 
other ; remorse succeeded to insult, and they fled with terror, 
as if the vengeance of heaven was pursuing them for the crime 
which they had committed. The Spaniards, without molesta- 



118 HISTORY OF 

tion, carried Montezuma to his apartments ; and Cortes has- 
tened thither to console him under his affliction. But the haughty 
spirit of that unhappy monarch, which seemed to have been 
long extinct, returning, he seemed to survive this last humilia- 
tion, and protract a life of ignominy. In a transport of rage, 
he tore the bandages from his wounds, and obstinately refused 
to take any nourishment, that his wretched days might be soon 
ended ; rejecting with disdain all the solicitations of the Span- 
iards to embrace the Christian faith. 

468. The fate of Montezuma deprived Cortes of all hopes 
of bringing the Mexicans to any accommodation ; and seeing 
no hopes of safety, but in attempting a retreat, he began to 
prepare for it. But a sudden motion of the Mexicans involved 
him in new difficulties. They took possession of a high tower 
of the great temple, which overlooked the Spanish quarters, 
and placing there some of their principal warriors, not a Span- 
iard could stir without being exposed to their missile weapons. 

469. From this post, it was necessary, at every hazard, to 
dislodge them, and Juan de Escobar, with a numerous detach- 
ment of chosen soldiers, was ordered to make the attack. But 
Escobar, though a gallant officer, and at the head of troops ac- 
customed to conquer, was thrice repulsed. Cortes, sensible 
that the reputation and safety of his army depended upon this 
assault, ordered a buckler to be tied to his arm, as he could 
not manage it with his wounded hand, and rushed with his 
drawn sword into the thickest of the combatants. Encouraged 
by the presence of their general, the Spaniards returned to the 
charge with such vigor, that they gradually forced their way 
up the steps, and drove the Mexicans to the platform at the top 
of the tower. 

470. There a dreadful carnage began; when two young 
Mexicans, of high rank, observing Cortes as he animated his 
soldiers by his voice and example, generously resolved to sacri- 
fice their own lives, that they might cut off the author of all 
their calamities. They approached him in a suppliant posture, 
as if they intended to lay down their arms ; and seizing him 
in a moment, hurried him towards the battlements, over which 
they threw themselves headlong, in hopes of dragging him 
along with them, to be dashed in pieces by the same fall. But 
Cortes, by his strength and agility, disengaged himself from 
the grasp, and the gallant youths perished in this unsuccessful 
attempt to save their country. The Spaniards, after they be- 
came masters of the tower, set fire to it, and without further 
molestation continued their preparations for their retreat. 



AMERICA. 119 

471. The point to be determined upon was, whether they 
should march out openly in the face of day, or whether they 
should retire secretly in the night. The latter was preferred. 
They began to move towards midnight, in three divisions. 
Sandoval led the van ; Alvarado and Velasquez de Leon con- 
ducted the rear ; and Cortes commanded in the centre, where 
he placed the prisoners ; among whom were a son and two 
daughters of Montezuma, together with several Mexicans of 
distinction; the artillery, baggage, and a portable bridge of 
timber, intended to be laid over the breaches in the causeway. 
They marched in profound silence along the causeway, which 
led to Tacuba. They reached the first breach in it without dis- 
turbance, hoping their retreat was undiscovered. But the Mexi- 
cans had silently watched their motions, and had made proper 
dispositions for a formidable attack. 

472. While the Spaniards were employed in placing their 
bridge, and conducting their horses and artillery along the 
causeway, they were suddenly alarmed with the tremendous 
sound of warlike instruments, and a general shout from an in- 
numerable multitude of- their enemies. 

473. The lake was covered with canoes ; and flights of ar- 
rows, and other missile weapons poured in from every quarter : 
the Mexicans rushing forward with fearless impetuosity. Un- 
fortunately the wooden bridge was wedged, by the weight of 
the artillery, so fast into the stones and mud that it was impos- 
sible to remove it. 

474. Dismayed at this accident, the Spaniards advanced to 
the second breach with precipitation. The Mexicans hemmed 
the^n in on every side ; and though they defended themselves 
with their usual courage, crowded as they were, their military 
skill was of little avail, nor did the obscurity of the night per- 
mit them to derive any great advantage from the use of their 
fire-arms, or the superiority of their other weapons. 

475. All Mexico was now in arms, eager on the destruction 
of their oppressors. Those who were not near enough to an- 
noy them in person, impatient of delay, drove on their coun- 
trymen in front with irresistible violence. Other warriors in- 
stantly filled the place of those who fell. The Spaniards, 
weary with slaughter, and unable to sustain the weight of the 
torrent that poured in upon them, began to give way. In a 
moment the confusion was universal ; horse and foot, officers 
and soldiers, friends and enemies, were mingled together ; and 
while all were engaged, and many fell, they could hardly dis- 
tinguish from what hand the blow came. 



120 HISTORY OF 

476. Cortes, with about one hundred foot-soldiers, and a few 
horse, forced his way over the two remaining breaches in the 
causeway : the bodies of the dead served to fill up the chasms, 
and he reached the main land. Having formed the men as soon 
as they arrived, he returned with such as were capable of ser- 
vice, to assist his friends in their retreat, and to encourage them 
by his presence and example, to persevere in attempting their 
escape. He met with part of his soldiers, who had broken 
through the enemy, but found many more overwhelmed by the 
multitude of their aggressors, or perishing in the lake ; and 
heard the piteous lamentations of others, whom the Mexicans 
having taken alive, were carrying off in triumph to be sacri- 
ficed to the god of war. 

477. Before day, all who had escaped, assembled at Tacuba : 
but when the morning dawned, and discovered to the view of 
Cortes his shattered forces, reduced to less than half their num- 
ber, the survivors dejected, and most of them covered with 
wounds, the thoughts of what they had suffered, and the re- 
membrance of so many faithful friends, and gallant men, who 
had fallen the preceding night, pierced his soul with such an- 
guish, that while he was forming their ranks, and giving some 
necessary orders, the soldiers observed the tears trickle doM'n 
his cheeks ; and remarked with much satisfaction that while 
attentive to his duty as general, he was not insensible to the 
feelings of a man. 

478. In this fatal retreat, many officers of distinction per- 
ished, and amongst these Velasquez de Leon, who had joined 
himself to Cortes, in opposition to the interest of his kinsman, 
the governor of Cuba, and who was respected as the second 
person in the army. All the artillery, baggage, and ammuni- 
tion were lost, and, according to the best account, above six 
liiuidred of his own men, and two thousand Tlascalans, were 
killed, and only a very small portion of the treasure, they had 
amassed, was saved. 

479. It was notwithstanding some consolation, that x\guilar 
and Marina had made their escape ; their functions as interpre- 
ters, rendered them of essential service. The first care of 
Cortes was to find some shelter for his wearied troops ; tiie 
people of Tacuba had begun to take arms, and the Mexicans 
continued to infest them on every side, so that he could no 
longer continue in his present station. He fortunately discov- 
ered a temple on a rising ground, which he took possession of; 
here he found the shelter he wanted, and also provisions to re- 
fresh his men. 



AMERICA. 121 

480. Daring his stay here, he was engaged in deep con- 
sultation with his officers, concerning the route which they 
should take in their retreat. A Tlascalan soldier undertook to 
be their guide : Tlascala, the only place where they could hope 
to find a friendly reception, lay sixty-four miles to the east of 
Mexico ; towards this place they shaped their course ; they 
marched six days with little respite, and under continual alarms, 
through a country in some places marshy, and in others moun- 
tainous, numerous bodies of Mexicans hovering around them ; 
sometimes harassing them at a distance, and sometimes attack- 
ing them openly in front, in rear, and in flank, with great bold- 
ness ; as they were now convinced that the}' were not invin- 
cible. 

481. These were not all the evils they had to undergo : the 
country through which they passed was barren, yielding but 
little provisions ; they were therefore reduced to feed upon such 
berries and roots as they could find by the way. At the very 
time when famine was depressing their spirits, and wasting 
their strength, their situation required the most vigorous and 
unremitting exertions of courage and activity. One circum- 
stance animated the Spaniards ; their commander sustained the 
sad res^erse of fortune with unshaken magnanuTjity. 

482. His presence of mind never forsook him ; his sagacity 
saw and provided for every event ; he was foremost in every 
danger, and endured every hardship with cheerfulness. The 
difficulties with which he was surrounded, seemed to call forth 
new talents ; and his soldiers, though despairing themselves, 
continued to follow him with increasing confidence in his abili- 
ties. 

48.3. On the sixth day they reached Otumba, not far from 
the road leading from Mexico to Tlascala. Early next morn- 
ing they began to advance towards it ; flying parties of the 
enemy still hanging on their rear ; and amidst the insults which 
they uttered, Marina remarked that they often exclaimed with 
exultation, " Go on, robbers : go to the place where you shall 
quickly meet the vengeance due to your crimes." The mean- 
ing of this threat they understood when they had reached the 
summit of an eminence before them. There a spacious valley 
opened to their view, covered with an army extending as far 
as the eye could reach. 

484. The Mexicans had assembled their principal force in 
this place, through which they knew Cortes must pass. At 
the sight of this incredible multitude, the Spaniards began to 
despair. But Cortes, without allowing their fears to gather 

L 



122 HISTORY OF 

strength by reflection, after warning them that no alternative 
now remained but to conquer or die, led them instantly to the 
charge. The Mexicans awaited their approach with unusual 
fortitude. 

485. Such, however, was the superiority of the Spanish dis- 
cipline and arms, that the impression of this small body was 
irresistible ; and whichever way its force was directed, it pene- 
trated and dispersed the most numerous battalions. But while 
they gave way in one quarter, new combatants advanced from 
another ; and though the Spaniards were successful in every 
attack, yet they were ready to sink under those repeated ef- 
forts, without seeing any end to their toil, or any hope of vic- 
tory. 

486. At that time Cortes observed the great standard of the 
empire, which was carded before the Mexican general, ad- 
vancing ; and fortunately recollecting to have heard, that on 
the fate of it depended the event of every battle ; he assembled 
a few of his bravest officers, whose horses were still capable 
of service, and placing himself at their head, pushed forward 
towards the standard with an impetuosity that bore down every 
thing before it. A chosen body of nobles who guarded the 
standard, made some resistance, but were soon broken. Cortes, 
with a stroke of his lance, wounded the Mexican general, and 
threw him to the ground ; one of his followers dismounting, 
killed him, and laid hold of the imperial standard. 

487. The moment that their leader fell, and the standard, to 
which all turned their eyes, disappeared, the Mexicans, as if 
the bond which held them together had been dissolved, threw 
away their weapons, and fled with precipitation to the moun- 
tains. The Spaniards, unable to pursue them far, returned to 
take the spoils of the field, which were so valuable as to be 
some compensation for the wealth which they had lost in Mexico. 
The principal warriors in the enemy's army, had been dressed 
out in their richest ornaments, expecting that they were march- 
ing to certain victory. 

488. Next day, to their great joy, they entered the Tlasca- 
lan territories. Happily for them, the enmity of the Tlascalans 
to the Mexican name was so inveterate, and their desire to 
avenge the death of their countrymen so vehement, that far 
from taking advantage of the distressed situation in which they 
beheld the Spaniards, they received them with a cordiality which 
quickly renewed all their former confidence. 

489. Some interval of tranquillity and indulgence was now 
absolutely necessary, that the soldiers might give attention to 



AMERICA. 123 

the cure of their wounds, which had been too long neglected, 
as well as to recruit their strength. Cortes had still a body of 
troops equal in number to that with which he had penetrated 
into the centre of the Mexican empire, and taken possession of 
the capital ; his experience of the natives, and knowledge of 
the country, inspired him with hopes of quickly recovering all 
Jhat he had been deprived of by the late events. 

490. His attention to court the Tlascalan chiefs was one of 
his first measures : he distributed among them so liberally of 
the rich spoils of Otumba, that he was secure of obtaining what- 
ever he should require of the republic. He drew a small sup- 
ply of ammunition, and two or three field-pieces from his stores 
at Vera Cruz. He dispatched an officer of confidence with four 
ships of Narvaez' fleet to Hispaniola and Jamaica, to engage 
adventurers, and to purchase horses, gunpowder, and other 
military stores. As he knew it would be in vain to attempt 
the conquest of Mexico, unless he had the command of the 
lake, he gave orders to prepare in the forest of Tlascala, mate- 
rials for building twelve brigantines, so as they might be car- 
ried, in pieces, ready to be put together, and launched when 
necessary. 

491. But while he was thus taking measures towards the 
execution of his design, an obstacle arose in a quarter where 
it was least expected. The spirit of discontent broke out in 
his own army. The followers of Narvaez bitterly repented 
their choice ; happy in having made their escape in the peril- 
ous retreat from Mexico, they trembled at the thoughts of being 
exposed a second time to similar dangers. As soon as they 
discovered the intention of Cortes, they secretly began to mur- 
mur and cabal ; and growing gradually more audacious, they, 
in a body, offered a remonstrance to their general, against the 
imprudence of attacking a powerful empire with his shattered 
forces ; and formally required him to lead them back directly 
to Cuba. 

492. Cortes, with all his skill in the arts of command, could 
not prevail; neither argument, entreaties, or presents, were 
sufficient to remove their fears; his own soldiers, animated 
with the spirit of their leader, warmly seconded his endeavors, 
but all in vain : the utmost that he could effect, was to prevail 
with them to defer their departure, on a promise that he would, 
at a more proper time, dismiss such as should desire" it. 

49.3. That the malcontents might be diverted from brooding 
over the causes of their disaffection, he resolved instantly to 
call forth his troops into action. His first expedition was 



124 ' HISTORY OF 

against the Tepeacans, who had cut off a small detachment of 
Spaniards, consisting mostly of the followers of Narvaez, when 
when marching from Zempoalla to Mexico : another party had 
been destroyed in the mountains as they were returning from 
Tlascala to Vera Cruz, with the share of the Mexican gold al- 
lotted to the garrison. The desire of vengeance engaged them 
more wiUingly in this war. 

494. Cortes took the command in person, and reduced that * 
province to subjection in the space of a few weeks, making 
great slaughter of the Tepeacans. Thus, for several months, 
he kept his troops constantly employed against the adjacent 
provinces. His men, thus accustomed to victory, resumed the 
former opinion of their superiority ; the Mexican power was 
weakened ; and the Tlascalan warriors acquired the habit of 
acting in conjunction with the Spaniards ; the chiefs were de- 
lighted with seeing their country enriched with the spoils of 
their enemies, and were astonished every day with fresh dis- 
coveries of the irresistible prowess of their new allies, and ex- 
erted every nerve to support them. 

495. The reinforcements that Cortes expected from the isles 
were now the chief object of his thoughts ; the aid of these, 
however, was distant and uncertain. But what neither his own 
sagacity nor pov/er could have procured, he owed to a series 
of fortunate and unforeseen events. The governor of Cuba, 
who supposed the success of Narvaez was an infallible cer- 
tainty, having sent two small ships after him with new instruc- 
tions and a supply of men and military stores; the officer, 
whom Cortes had appointed to command on the coast, artfully 
decoyed them into the harbor of Vera Cruz, seized the ves- 
sels, and easily persuaded the soldiers to follow the standard 
of a more able leader than him they were destined to join. 

496. Soon after, three ships of more considerable force 
came into the harbor. These belonged to an armament fitted 
out by Francisco de Carey, governor of Jamaica, who had 
long aimed at dividing the glory and gain of the Mexican 
empire, with Cortes. After a succession of disasters, they were 
compelled, by famine, to venture into Vera Cruz, and to cast 
themselves on the mercy of their countrymen ; as if the spirit 
of revolt had been contagious to New Spain, these were easily 
persuaded to abandon their old master, and enlist under Cortes. 

497. A ship about this time also arrived from Spain, fitted 
out by some merchants, with military stores, in hopes of a pro- 
fitable market, in a country, the fame of whose opulence be- 



AMERICA. 125 

gan to spread over Europe. Cortes eagerly purchased a cargo, 
which to him was invaluable, and the crew following the gene- 
ral example, joined him at Tlascala. It was a singular cir- 
cumstance that the two persons chiefly instrumental in furnish- 
ing him with those seasonable supplies should be, one an avowed 
enemy who sought his destruction, and the other an envious 
rival, who wished to supplant him. 

498. The first effect of the junction with his new followers, 
was to dismiss such of Narvaez' soldiers, as remained, re- 
luctantly, in his service. After their departure, he still mus- 
tered five hundred and fifty infantry, forty horsemen, and a 
train of nine field-pieces ; at the head of these, accompanied 
by 10,000 Tlascalans and other friendly Indians, Cortes began 
his second march towards Mexico, on the 28th of December, 
1520. The Mexicans were prepared to receive him. 

499. The chiefs of the empire, upon the death of Monte- 
zuma, instantly raised his brother, Quetlavaca, to the throne. 
He embraced the first opportunity of convincing them that he 
was worthy of their choice, by conducting, in person, those 
fierce attacks which compelled the Spaniards to abandon his 
capital, and after their retreat he took measures for preventing 
their return to Mexico. 

500. He saw the storm that was gathering ; he therefore re- 
paired what the Spaniards had destroyed in the city, and 
strengthened it with new fortifications : he filled his magazines 
with the usual weapons of war, and directed long spears to be 
made, headed with the swords and daggers taken from the 
Spaniards, in order to annoy the cavalry. He summoned the 
people in every province to take arms ; he also endeavored to 
persuade the Tlascalans to withdraw their aid and friendship 
from those strangers who had given such manifest indications 
of their enmity to their gods, and who would, at last, subject 
them to the same yoke they were endeavoring to impose upon 
others. 

501. These representations were urged with such force and 
solid reason, that it required all the address of Cortes to pre- 
vent their making a dangerous impression. But while the Mexi- 
can chief was forming his plan of defence, with great fore- 
sight, the small-pox, which the Spaniards had introduced into 
New Spain, put an end to his career. The Mexicans, at his 
death, raised to the throne Guatimozin, nephew and son-in-law 
to Montezuma, a young man of high reputation for abilities 
and valor ; and at this dangerous crisis, his countrymen, with 
one voice, called him to the supreme command. 

L2 



126 HISTORY OF 

502. As Cortes entered the enemy's territories, he found va- 
rious obstructions ; but his troops forced their way with Httle 
difficulty, and took possession of Tezcuco, the second city of 
the empire, about twenty miles from Mexico. Here he estab- 
lished his head-quarters, it being a convenient station for 
launching his brigantines, and for making his approaches to 
the capital. 

503. The cazique, or chief, who presided there, he deposed, 
under pretext of some defect in his title, and put in his place a 
person whom a faction of the nobles pointed out as the right 
heir to that dignity. By this artifice, the new cazique and his 
adherents served the Spaniards with inviolable fidelity. Cortes 
having early discovered symptoms of disaffection in the cities 
round about Mexico, availed himself of this circumstance to 
gain their confidence and friendship. 

504. He offered, with confidence, to deliver them from the 
galling yoke of the Mexicans, and was very liberal of promises 
if they would unite with him against their oppressors. By 
these arts he prevailed upon several considerable districts, not 
only to acknowledge the king of Castile for their sovereign, 
but to supply the Spanish camp with provisions, and to aug- 
ment his army with auxiliary troops. Guatimozin, on the first 
appearance of disaffection among his subjects, exerted himself 
with vigor to prevent or punish their revolt. He beheld, with 
deep concern, Cortes arming against his empire those very 
hands which ought to have been active in its defence, and ready 
to march against the capital, at the head of a numerous body 
of his own subjects. 

505. While Cortes was thus circumscribing the Mexican 
power, a dangerous conspiracy had nearly ruined all his 
schemes. The soldiers of Narvaez, who still remained with 
him, had never perfectly united with the original companions 
of Cortes, neither did they enter so cordially into his measures. 
And now, on a near view of what they had to encounter, in 
attempting to reduce a city so inaccessible as Mexico, and de- 
fended by a numerous army, their resolution began to fail. 
They began to cabal and censure their general's measures, 
and propose plans for their own safety, of which they deemed 
their commander totally negligent. 

506. Antony Villefagna, a private soldier, but bold, intriguing, 
and strongly attached to Velasquez, artfully fomented this grow- 
ing disaffection. His quarters became the rendezvous of the 
malcontents, where, after many consultations, they agreed that 
their only remedy was, to assassinate Cortes and his most con- 



AMERICA. 127 

siderable" officers ; confer the command on some person who 
would rehnquish his plans, and adopt measures which, in their 
opinion, were more consistent with the general security. 

507. Despair inspired them with courage. The ho\ir for 
executing their design, the destined victims, and the officers to 
succeed them, w^ere all named. These resolutions were signed 
by the conspirators, who bound themselves to each other by 
the most solemn oaths of mutual fidelity. But on the evening 
before the appointed day, one of Cortes' ancient followers, who 
had been seduced, touched with compunction at the imminent 
danger of a man whom he had been long accustomed to re- 
vere, went privately to his general, and revealed to him all he 
knew. 

508. Cortes, though deeply alarmed, repaired instantly to 
the quarters of Villefagna, accompanied by some of his most 
trusty officers. The astonishment at this unexpected visit, an- 
ticipated the confession of his guilt. While his attendants seized 
him, Cortes snatched from his bosom a paper containing the 
association, signed by the conspirators. Impatient to know how 
far the defection extended, he retired to read it, and found in it 
names which filled him with surprise and sorrow. Policy made 
him confine his inquiries to Villefagna alone, as the proofs of 
his guilt were manifest. He was condemned, after a short trial, 
and next morning was seen hanging before the door of the 
house in which he had lodged. 

509. Cortes called his troops together, and having explained 
to them the atrocious designs of the conspirators, as well as 
the justice of the punishment of Villefagna, he added, with an 
appearance of satisfaction, that he was entirely ignorant of the 
other conspirators ; as the traitor, when arrested, had suddenly 
torn and swallowed a paper which probably gave an account 
of the conspiracy ; and could not be made, under the greatest 
tortures, to discover his accomplices. This artful declaration 
restored tranquillity to many a breast, that was throbbing with 
apprehension. 

510. Cortes did not allow them leisure to ruminate on what 
had happened, but immediately called forth his troops to action. 
He had received intelligence that the materials for building the 
brigantines were ready. He therefore sent a convoy of 200 
foot-soldiers, fifteen horsemen, and two field-pieces, under the 
command of Sandoval, whose activity and courage were mani- 
fested upon every occasion, and who had acquired the confi- 
dence, not only of Cortes, but of his fellow-soldiers. The ser- 
vice was singular and important : the whole utensils, the beams, 



128 HISTORY OF 

plank, masts, cordage, sails, iron-work, and an infinite variety 
of articles, were to be carried sixty miles over-land, through a 
mountainous country, by people who were unacquainted with 
the aid of domestic animals, or the use of machines. 

511. The Tlascalans furnished for this purpose 8000 ta- 
memes, an inferior order of men destined for servile uses, to 
carry the materials on their shoulders, and appointed 15,000 
warriors to accompany and defend them. Sandoval placed the 
tamemes in the centre, one body of warriors in the front, and 
another in the rear, with considerable parties to cover the 
flanks. To each of these he joined some Spaniards to assist 
them in danger, and accustom them to regularity and subordi- 
nation. 

512. A body so numerous and so encumbered, advanced but 
slowly, but in excellent order. In some places, where they 
were confined by woods or mountains, the line of march ex- 
tended above six miles. Parties of Mexicans frequently ap- 
peared hovering around them on the high grounds, but per- 
ceiving that there was no prospect of success in attacking an 
enemy always on his guard, they did not venture to molest 
them. 

513. Sandoval had the glory of conducting safely to Tez- 
cuco a convoy on which all the future operations of his coun- 
trymen depended. The joy occasioned by the safe arrival of the 
convoy was increased by the arrival of four ships from Hispan- 
i'jla, with two hundred soldiers, eighty horses, two battering can- 
non, and a fresh supply of arms and ammunition. Elevated 
with this additional strength, Cortes was impatient to begin the 
siege, and hastened the launching of the brigantines. 

514. He employed avast number of Indians for two months 
in deepening a small creek that emptied into the lake, so as to 
form a canal two miles in length. The Mexicans, aware of the 
danger that threatened them, endeavored to interrupt the labor- 
ers, or to burn the brigantines, but in vain ; the work was at 
last completed. On the twenty-eighth of April, 1521, all the 
Spanish troops, with the auxiliary Indians, were drawn up on 
the banks of the canal ; and with great military pomp, ren- 
dered more solemn by the celebration of religious rites, the 
brigantines were launched. 

51.5. As they passed down the canal, father Olmedo blessed 
them, and gave to each a name. Every eye followed them with 
wonder and hope, until they entered the lake, when they hoisted 
their sails, and bore away before the wind. A general shout 
of joy was raised; all admiring that bold inventive genius, 



AMERICA. 129 

which, by means so extraordinary, had acquired the command 
of a fleet, without the aid of which Mexico would have set 
the Spanish power and arms at defiance. 

516. Cortes prepared to attack the city from three different 
quarters, from Tezcuco on the east side of the lake ; from Ta- 
cuba on the west, and from Cuyocan towards the south. These 
towns were situated on the principal causeways which led to 
the capital, and intended for their defence. Sandoval com- 
manded in the first, Pedro Alvarado in the second, and Chris- 
toval Olid in the third ; allotting to each a numerous body of 
Indian auxiliaries, together with an equal division of Spaniards, 
who, by the junction of the troops from Hispaniola, amounted 
to eighty-six horsemen, and eight hundred and eighteen foot- 
soldiers ; of whom one hundred and eighteen were armed with 
muskets or cross-bows. Their train of artillery was three bat- 
tering cannon, and fifteen field-pieces. He reserved for him- 
self, as the station of the greatest importance and danger, the 
conduct of the brigantines, each armed with one of his small 
cannon, and manned with twenty-five Spaniards. 

517. As Alvarado and Olid proceeded to the posts assigned 
them, they broke down the aqueducts which the Mexicans had 
erected to convey water into the capital, and this was the begin- 
ning of the distresses which the inhabitants were destined to suffer. 
The towns which they were ordered to take possession of, were 
deserted by the inhabitants, who had fled for safety to the capi- 
tal, where Guatimozin had collected the chief force of his em- 
pire, as the only place where he could hope to make a success- 
ful stand against such formidable enemies, who were approach- 
ing to assault him. 

518. The first effort of the Mexicans was to destroy the 
brigantines, the fatal effects of whose operations they foresaw 
and dreaded. Necessity urged Guatimozin to hazard an at- 
tack : he assembled such a multitude of canoes as covered the 
face of the lake, hoping to overwhelm them with numbers. 
They rowed on boldly to the charge, while the brigantines, re- 
tarded by a dead calm, could scarcely advance to meet them. 
But as the enemy drew near, a breeze suddenly sprung up, in 
a moment the sails were spread, and the brigantines, with irre- 
sistible impetuosity, broke through their feeble opponents, over- 
set many of their canoes, and dispersed the whole armament 
with such slaughter, as convinced the Pvlexicans that their ene- 
mies were as formidable on this new element as they had found 
them on land. 

519. Cortes, after this, remained absolute m.aster of the lake, 



130 HISTORY OF 

and the brigantines preserved a communication between the 
Spaniards in their different stations, though at a considerable 
distance from each other, and at the same time covered the 
causeways, keeping off the canoes when they attempted to an- 
noy the troops as they advanced towards the city. The Mexi- 
cans, in their own defence, displayed such valor as was hardly 
inferior to that with which the Spaniards attacked them. On 
land, on water, by night and by day, one furious conflict suc- 
ceeded another. Several Spaniards were killed, more wounded, 
and all were ready to sink under the toils of unremitting ser- 
vice, which had become intolerable by the changes of the sea- 
son ; the periodical rains having set in with their usual vio- 
lence. 

520. Cortes, astonished at the difficulties and length of the 
siege, determined to make one great effort to get possession of 
the city, before he relinquished the plan which he had hitherto 
proposed. With this view he sent instructions to Alvarado and 
Sandoval, to advance with their divisions to a general assault, 
and took the command, in person, of that posted on the cause- 
way of Cuyocan, on the 3d of July, 1521. Animated by his 
presence, and expecting some decisive event, the Spaniards 
pressed forward with irresistible impetuosity. They broke down 
one barricade after another, forced their way over the ditches 
and canals, and having entered the city, they gained ground 
incessantly, notwithstanding the muhitude and ferocity of their 
enemies. 

521. Cortes, though delighted with the rapidity of his pro- 
gress, did not forget that he might find it necessary to make a 
retreat ; and in order to secure it, appointed Julian Alderete, a 
captain of note among the troops which he had received from 
Hispaniola, to fill up the canals and gaps, in the causeway, as 
the main body advanced. That oflicer thinking it beneath him 
to be thus employed, while his companions were in the heat of 
action, and in full career of victory, neglected the important 
charge, and hurried on to join his companions in arms. 

522. The Mexicans, whose military skill was daily improv- 
ing, no sooner observed this, than they carried an account of 
it to their monarch. Guatimozin instantly discerned the con- 
sequence of the error which the Spaniards had committed, and 
with admirable presence of mind, prepared to take advantage 
of it. He commanded the troops posted in the front to slacken 
their efforts, that the Spaniards might be allured to push for- 
wards, while he dispatched a large body of chosen warriors 
through different streets, some by land, and others by water, 



AMERICA. 181 

towards the great breach in the causeway which had been left 
open. 

523. On a signal given, the priests in the principal temple 
struck the great drum consecrated to the god of war. No sooner 
did the Mexicans hear its doleful, solemn sound, calculated to 
inspire them with a contempt of death, than they rushed upon 
the enemy with frantic rage. The Spaniards, unable to resist 
men urged on by desperation, at first, began to retire in good 
order ; but, as the enemy pressed on, the terror and confusion 
became general ; so that when they arrived at the gap in the 
causeway, Spaniards and Tlascalans, horsemen and infantry, 
plunged in promiscuously, while the Mexicans rushed in upon 
them fiercely from every side, their light canoes carrying them 
over shoals where the brigantines could not approach. In vain 
did Cortes attempt to rally his forces : fear rendered them re- 
gardless of his entreaties or commands. 

524. Finding all his endeavors to renew the combat fruit- 
less, his next care was to save those who had thrown them- 
selves into the water ; but, while he was thus employed with 
more attention to their situation than his own, six Mexican cap- 
tains suddenly laid hold of him, and were hurrying him off in 
triumph ; and, though two of his officers rescued him at the 
expense of their lives, he received several dangerous wounds, 
before he could disengage himself. About sixty Spaniards per- 
ished in this encounter : and what rendered the disaster still 
more afflicting, forty of these fell alive into the hands of the 
enemy, never known to show mercy to a captive. 

525. Night, though it delivered the Spaniards from the at- 
tacks of the enemy, ushered in what was no less grievous : the 
noise of barbarous triumph, and the horrid festivals with which 
the Mexicans celebrated their victory. Every part of the city 
was illuminated : the great temple shone with peculiar splen- 
dor ; so that the Spaniards could plainly see the people in mo- 
tion, and the priests busy in hastening the death of the prison- 
ers. They fancied they could discover their companions by 
the whiteness of their skins, as they were stripped to dance 
before the image of the god, to whom they were offered. 

526. They heard the shrieks of those who were sacrificed, 
and thought they could distinguish each unhappy victim by the 
sound of his voice. Imagination added to what they really saw 
or heard, and augmented the horror. The most unfeeling 
melted into tears of compassion, and the stoutest heart trem- 
bled at the dreadful spectacle which they beheld. 

527. Cortes not only sympathized with his soldiers, but was op- 



132 HISTORY OF 

pressed with an additional load of anxious reflections, natural 
to a general on such an unexpected calamity ; he could not, 
like them, relieve his mind by giving vent to its anguish : he 
was obliged to assume an air of tranquillity, in order to revive 
the drooping spirits and hopes of his followers. The juncture 
required an extraordinary exertion of courage. 

528. The Mexicans, elated with their victory, sallied out 
next morning to attack him in his quarters. But they did not 
rely on the efforts of their own arms alone : they sent the 
heads of the Spaniards whom they had sacrificed, to the lead- 
ing men in the adjacent provinces, and assured them that the 
god of war, appeased by the blood of the invaders, which had 
been shed so plentifully on his altars, had declared, with an 
audible voice, that in eight days' time, those hated enemies 
should be finally destroyed, and peace and prosperity estab- 
lished in the empire. 

529. This prediction being uttered without any ambiguity, 
gained universal credit among the natives ; several of the prov- 
inces, which had hitherto remained inactive, took up arms with 
enthusiastic ardor ; even the Tlascalans were led to relax in 
their fidelity, and Cortes and his Spaniards were almost left 
alone in their stations. Cortes, finding that he attempted in 
vain to dispel the superstitious fears of his confederates, took 
advantage of the imprudence of those who had framed the 
prophecy, in fixing its accomplishment so near at hand, to give 
them a striking demonstration of its falsity. He suspended all 
military operations during the period marked out by the ora- 
cle ; and, under cover of the brigantines, his troops lay in 
safety : the enemy was kept at a distance, and the fatal term 
expired without any disaster. 

530. His allies, ashamed of their own creduhty, returned to 
tlicir station. Other tribes now veered about, from a belief 
that the gods had deceived the Mexicans, and had decreed finally 
to withdraw their protection from them ; such was the levity of 
this simple race of men. 

531. In a short time, according to the account of Cortes, he 
was at the head of a hundred and fifty thousand Indians. Not- 
withstanding this large addition of strength, he found it neces- 
sary to adopt a more wary system of operations. He made 
his advances gradually, and vras more cautious of exposing 
his men to similar calamities, which they still bewailed. 

532. As soon as they got possession of any part of the town, 
the houses were instantly destroyed. Famine now began to 
rage amongst the Mexicans : the brigantines prevented all sup- 



AMERICA. 133 

plies coming to their relief by water, and the Indian auxiliaries 
enabled Cortes to shut up the avenues of the city ; not only 
the common people, but persons of the highest rank, felt the 
utmost want of provisions. These sufferings were succeeded 
by infectious and mortal distempers : the last calamity that 
visits besieged cities, and which filled up the measure of their 
woes. 

533. Guatimozin, notv.'ithstanding all these various and 
pressing evils, remained firm and unsubdued. He rejected, 
with scorn, every overture of peace with Cortes ; disdaining 
the idea of submission to the oppressors of his country, and 
was determined not to survive its ruin. The Spaniards, at 
length, with all their divisions, made a secure lodgment in the 
centre of the city. Three-fourths were now laid in ruins. The 
remaining quarter was so closely pressed that it could not long 
withstand assailants, who attacked it with superior advantage, 
and a more assured prospect of success. 

534. The Mexican nobles, solicitous to save the life of a 
monarch whom they revered, prevailed on Guatimozin to retire 
from a place where resistance was ineffectual ; that he might 
rouse the more distant provinces, and maintain there a more 
successful war, with the public enemy. To facilitate the exe- 
cution of this measure, they sought to gain time by endeavor- 
ing to amuse Cortes with overtures of peace. But they made 
this attempt upon a leader of too much sagacity and discern- 
ment to be deceived by their arts. Cortes suspecting their in- 
tention, and aware of what moment it was best to defeat it, ap- 
pointed Sandoval, on whose vigilance he could most perfectly 
rely, to take the command of the brigantines, with strict in- 
junctions to watch every motion of the enemy. 

535. Sandoval, attentive to the charge, observing some large 
canoes, crowded with people, rowing across the lake with un- 
common rapidity, instantly gave a signal to chase. Garcir*, 
Holguin, who commanded the fleetest brigantine, soon overtook 
them, and was preparing to fire on the foremost canoe, which 
seemed to carry some person whom all the rest followed and 
obeyed. At once the rowers dropped their oars, and throwing 
down their arms, conjured him with cries and tears to forbear, 
as the emperor was there. Holguin eagerly seized his prize, 
and Guatimozin, with a dignified composure, gave himself up, 
only requesting that no insult might be offered to the empress, 
or his children. 

536. When conducted to Cortes, he appeared worthy of a 
better fate : he discovered none of the sullen fierceness of the 

M 



134 HISTORY OF 

barbarian, nor the dejection of a supplicant. " I have done," 
said he, addressing himself to the Spanish general, " what be- 
came a monarch ; I have defended my people to the last ex- 
tremity : nothing now remains but to die ; — take this dagger," 
laying his hand on one Cortes wore, " plant it in my breast, 
and put an end to a Ufe that can no longer be of use." 

537. As soon as the fate of their sovereign was known, all 
resistance on the part of the Mexicans ceased ; and Cortes took 
possession of the remaining part of the city. Thus terminated 
the siege of Mexico, the most memorable event in the conquest 
of America. It continued seventy-five days, not one of which 
passed without some extraordinary effort of one party in at- 
tacking, or of the other in defending, a city, on the fate of 
which both parties knew that of the empire depended. The 
struggle here was more obstinate, and more equal, than any be- 
tv/een the inhabitants of the Old and New Worlds. 

538. The great abilities of Guatimozin, the number of his 
troops, the peculiar situation of his capital, sd far counterbal- 
anced the superiority of the Spaniards in arm§ and discipline, 
that they must have relinquished the enterprise, if they had 
trusted to themselves alone. But Mexico was" overturned by 
the jealousy of neighbors, who dreaded its power, and> by the 
revolt of subjects impatient to throw off the yoke. By their 
effectual aid, Cortes was enabled to accomplish what, without 
such support, he would hardly have ventured to attempt. Great 
merit is due to the abilities of Cortes, who, under every disad- 
vantage, acquired such an ascendency 'over unknown nations, 
as to render them instruments towards carrying his schemes 
into execution. 

539. The exultation of the Spaniards, on accomplishing this 
arduous enterprise, was at first excessive. But it was quickly 
damped by the disappointment of those sanguine hopes, which 
had animated them amidst so many hardships and dangers. In- 
stead of the inexhaustible wealth which they expected from be- 
coming masters of Montezuma's treasures, and the ornaments 
of so many temples, they could only collect an inconsiderable 
booty, amidst ruins and desolation. According to the account 
of Cortes, the whole amount was only 120,000 dollars, a sum 
far inferior to that which the Spaniards had formerly divided 
in Mexico. This sum, when divided among the conquerors, 
was so small, that many of them disdained the pittance that 
fell to their share. 

540. Guatimozin, aware of his impending fate, had ordered 
what had remained of the riches amassed by his ancestors, to 



AMERICA. 135 

be thrown into the lake. Cortes, from an anxious desire to check 
the growing discontent among his followers, gave way to a deed 
which stained the glory of all his great actions. Without re- 
garding the former dignity of Guatimozin, or feeling any rev- 
erence for those virtues which he had displayed, he subjected 
the unhappy monarch, together with his chief favorite, to tor- 
ture, in order to enforce them to a discovery of the royal trea- 
sures, which it was supposed they had concealed. 

541. Guatimozin bore whatever the refined cruelty of his 
tormentors could inflict with invincible fortitude; but his fel- 
low sufferer, overcome by the violence of the anguish, turned 
a dejected inquiring eye towards his master, and seemed to im- 
plore his permission to reveal all that he knew. The high- 
spirited prince, darting on him a look of authority, mingled 
with scorn, checked his weakness by asking, " Am I now re- 
posing on a bed of flowers ?" Overawed by the reproach, he 
persevered in his dutiful silence, and expired. Cortes, ashamed 
of a scene so horrid, rescued the royal victim from the hands 
of his torturers, and prolonged a life reserved for new indigni- 
ties and sufferings. 

542. The provinces now submitted to the conquerors. Small 
detachments of Spaniards marched through them, without in- 
terruption, and penetrated in different quarters to the great 
southern ocean, which, according to the ideas of Columbus, 
they imagined would open a short and easy passage to the East 
Indies. The active mind of Cortes began already to form 
schemes for attempting this important discovery. He was ig- 
norant that this very scheme had been undertaken and accom- 
plished, during the progress of his victorious arms in Mexico. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

MAGELLAN SAILS FROM SEVILLE 

543. Ferdinand Magellan, a Portuguese gentleman of honor- 
able birth, having received ill treatment from his general and 
sovereign, in a transport of resentment formally renounced his 
allegiance to an ungrateful master, and fled to the court of 
Castile, in hopes that his worth would be more justly estimated. 
He revived Columbus's original and favorite project, of dis- 
covering a passage to India by a western course. Cardinal 
Ximenes listened to it with a most favorable ear. Charles V., 
on his arrival in his Spanish dominions, entered into the mea- 
sure with no less ardor, and orders were issued for equipping 
a proper squadron at the public charge, of which the command 



136 HISTORY OF 

was given to Magellan, whom the king honored with the habit 
of St. Jago, and the title of captain-general, A. D. 1517. 

544. On the tenth of August, 1519, Magellan sailed from 
Seville, with five ships, which were deemed at that time of con- 
siderable force ; though the largest of them did not exceed one 
hundred and twenty tons burden : the crew of the whole 
amounted to two hundred and thirty-four men, including some 
of the most skilful pilots in Spain, and several Portuguese sail- 
ors, in whom Magellan placed the utmost confidence. 

545. After touching at the Canaries, he stood directly south, 
to the equinoctial line, and then to the coast of America. He 
did not reach the river de la Plata till the twelfth of January, 
1520. That spacious body of water allured him to enter into 
it, but after sailing for some days, he concluded, from the shal- 
lowness of the stream, and its freshness, that the wished-for 
strait was not situated there. 

546. On the 31st of March he arrived in the port of St. 
Julian, about 48 degrees of south latitude, where he resolved to 
winter. In this uncomfortable station he lost one of his squad- 
ron, and the Spaniards suffered so much from the inclemency 
of the climate, that the crews of three of the ships, headed by 
their officers, rose in open mutiny, and insisted on relinquish- 
ing the visionary project of a desperate adventurer, and return- 
ing directly to Spain. This dangerous insurrection Magellan 
wisely suppressed, by an effort of courage no less prompt than 
intrepid : and inflicted the most exemplary punishment on the 
ringleaders. 

547. With the remainder of his followers, overawed but not 
reconciled to his scheme, he continued his voyage toward the 
south, and at length discovered, near the fifty-third degree of 
latitude, the mouth of a strait, into which he entered, notwith- 
standing the murmurs of the people under his command. After 
sailing twenty days in that winding and dangerous channel, to 
which he gave his own name, and where one of his ships de- 
serted him, the great southern ocean opened to his view ; and 
with tears of joy, he returned thanks to heaven, for having thus 
far crowned his endeavors with success. 

548. He continued to sail in a north-west direction three 
months and twenty days, without discovering land ; in this voy- 
age, the longest that had ever been made on the unbounded 
ocean, he suffered incredible distress. His stock of provisions 
was almost exhausted, the water became putrid, the men were 
reduced to the shortest allowance, with which it was possible to 
sustain life : and the scurvy began to spread among them. One 



AMERICA. 137 

circumstance alone afforded consolation. They enjoyed an un- 
interrupted succession of fair weather, with such favorable 
winds, that Magellan bestowed the name of Pacific on that 
ocean, which it still retains. 

549. They would have soon sunk under their sufferings, had 
they not discovered and fell in with a cluster of islands, whose 
fertility afforded them refreshments in such abundance, that 
their health was soon re-established. From these isles, to which 
he gave the name of the Ladrones, he proceeded on his 
voyage, and soon made a more important discovery of the 
islands now known by the name of the Philippines ; in one of 
these he got into an unfortunate quarrel with the natives, who 
attacked him with a numerous body of troops well armed ; and 
while he fought at the head of his men with his usual valor, 
he fell by the hands of those barbarians, together with several 
of his principal officers. 

550. Other persons took the command, and after touching at 
several other islands in the Indian Ocean, they at length landed 
at Tidore, one of the Moluccas, to the astonishment of the Por- 
tuguese, who could not comprehend how the Spaniards, by hold- 
ing a westerly course, had arrived at that sequestered seat of 
their valuable commerce, which they had discovered by sailing 
in an opposite direction. There, and in the adjacent isles, they 
found a people acquainted with the benefit of trade, and pleased 
with opening an intercourse with a new nation. 

551. They took in a cargo of valuable spices : with that and 
other specimens of rich commodities which they had collected 
from other countries, they loaded the Victory, which, of the 
two ships that remained, was the miost fit for a long voyage, 
and set sail for Spain, under the command of Juan Sebastian 
del Cano. He followed the course of the Portuguese by the 
cape of Good Hope ; and after many sufferings, he arrived at 
St. Lucar on the 7th of September, 1522, having sailed round 
the globe in the space of three years and twenty-eight days. 

552. To return to the transactions of New Spain : At the time 
that Cortes was acquiring such vast territories, for his sovereign, 
and preparing the way for future conquests, it was his singular 
fate, not only to be destitute of any commission or authority 
from the sovereign whom he served with such successful zeal, 
but was regarded as an undutiful and seditious subject. By 
the influence of Fonseca, bishop of Burgos, his conduct, in as- 
suming the government of New Spain, was declared to be an 
irregular usurpation, in contempt of the royal authority ; and 
Cristoval de Tapia was commissioned to supersede Cortes, to 

M2 



138 HISTORY OF 

seize his person, confiscate his effects, make a strict scrutiny 
into his proceedings, and transmit the result of his inquiries to 
the court of the Indies, of which the bishop of Burgos was 
president. 

553. Tapia landed a few weeks after the reduction of Mexi- 
co, at Vera Cruz, with the royal mandate to divest its conquer- 
or of his power, and treat him as a criminal. But Fonseca had 
chosen a very improper person to wreak his vengeance on Cor- 
tes. Tapia had neither the reputation, nor the talents, that 
suited the high command to which he had been appointed. Cor- 
tes, while he publicly expressed the highest veneration for the 
emperor's authority, secretly took measures to defeat the effect 
of his commission : and having involved Tapia and his follow- 
ers in a multiplicity of conferences and negotiations, sometimes 
making use of threats, but more frequently employing bribes 
and promises, he at length prevailed on that weak man to 
abandon a province, he was unworthy of governing. 

554. But Cortes was so sensible of the precarious tenure by 
which he held his power, that he dispatched deputies to Spain 
with a pompous account of the success of his arms, with fur- 
ther specimens of the productions of the country, and with rich 
presents to the emperor, as the earnest of future contributions 
from his new conquests ; requesting as a recompense for all his 
services, the approbation of his proceedings, and that he might 
be intrusted with the government of those territories which his 
conduct, and the valor of his followers, had added to the crown 
of Castile. 

555. The account of Cortes' victories filled his countrymen 
with admiration. The public voice declared loudly in favor of 
his pretensions, and Charles adopted the sentiments of his sub- 
jects with a youthful ardor. He appointed him captain-gene- 
ral and governor of New Spain. But it was not without 
difficulty that the Mexican empire could be entirely reduced 
into the form of a Spanish colony. Enraged and rendered des- 
perate by oppression, the natives often forgot the superiority of 
their enemies ; and took up arms in defence of their liberties. 
In every contest, however, the European valor and discipline 
prevailed ; but fatally for the honor of their country, the Span- 
iards sullied the glory redounding from their repeated victories, 
by their mode of treating the vanquished. 

556. In almost every province of the Mexican empire, the 
progress of the Spanish arms is marked with blood, and with 
deeds so atrocious, as disgrace the enterprising valor that con- 
ducted them to success. In the province of Panuco, sixty ca- 



AMERICA. 139 

ziques or chiefs, and four hundred nobles, were burned at one 
time. Nor was this shocking barbarity committed in any sud- 
den effect of rage, or by a commander of inferior note ; it was 
the act of Sandoval, who was entitled to the second rank in the 
annals of New Spain, executed after a solemn consultation 
with Cortes : and to complete the horror of the scene, the chil- 
dren and relations of the victims were compelled to be specta- 
tors of their dying agonies. 

557. This dreadful example of severity, was followed by 
another which affected the Mexicans still more sensibly. On a 
slight suspicion, confirmed by very imperfect evidence, Guati- 
mozin was charged with attempting to throw off the yoke, and 
to excite his former subjects to take up arms. Cortes, without 
the formality of a trial, ordered the unhappy monarch, together 
with the caziques of Tezcuco and Tacuba, two persons of 
great eminence in the empire, to be hanged ; and the Mexi- 
cans beheld, with astonishment, this ignominious punishment 
inflicted upon persons, whom they had been accustomed to look 
upon with a reverence, little inferior to that which they paid 
the gods themselves. 

558. When Charles V. advanced Cortes to the government 
of New Spain, he at the same time appointed commissioners to 
receive and administer the royal revenue there. These men 
were astonished, when arriving in Mexico, at the high authority 
which Cortes exercised. In their letters they represented Cor- 
tes as an ambitious tyrant, who, having usurped a jurisdiction _ 
superior to law, aimed at independence. These insinuations 
made such deep impression on the mind of the Spanish minis- 
ters, that unmindful of the past services of Cortes, they infused 
the same supicions into the mind of Charles, and prevailed on 
him to order a solemn inquest to be made into his conduct, with 
powers to the licentiate. Ponce de Leon, intrusted with that 
commission, to seize his person, if expedient, and send him 
prisoner to Spain. 

559. The sudden death of Ponce de Leon, which happened 
soon after his arrival in New Spain, prevented the execution of 
this commission. Cortes beheld the approaching crisis of his 
fortune, with all the violent emotions natural to a haughty mind, 
conscious of high desert, and receiving unworthy treatment. 
His old faithful followers, stung with resentment, advised him 
to seize that power, which the courtiers were so mean as to ac- 
cuse him of coveting. 

560. Actuated by sentiments of loyalty, he rejected the dan- 
gerous advice, and repaired directly to Spain ; choosing rather 



140 HISTORY OF 

to commit himself and his cause to the justice of his sovereign, 
than submit to be tried in a country, where he had the chief 
command, and by a set of interested and partial judges. 

561. In the year 1528, Cortes appeared in his native coun- 
try, with the splendor that suited the conqueror of a mighty 
kingdom. He brought with him a great part of his wealth, 
many jewels and ornaments of great value, and was attended 
by some Mexicans of the first rank, as well as by the most 
considerable of his own officers. His arrival in Spain removed, 
at once, every suspicion. The emperor received him as a per- 
son entitled to high respect, for the eminence of his services. 
The order of St. Jago, the title of Marquis del Valle de Guax- 
aca, the grant of a vast territory in New Spain, were succes- 
sively bestowed upon him ; and he wa^ admitted to the same 
familiar intercourse with the emperor, as noblemen of the first 
rank. But amidst these external proofs of regard, some symp- 
toms of remaining distrust appeared. 

562. Although he earnestly solicited to be reinstated in the 
government of New Spain, Charles peremptorily refused to 
grant his request. The military department, with power to 
attempt new discoveries, was left in his hands : with this dimin- 
ished authority he returned to New Spain, and Antonio de Men- 
doza was sent thither with the title of viceroy. Cortes fitted 
out several small squadrons, and sent them into the South Sea 
to make discoveries, which either perished in the attempt, or 
returned unsuccessful. Being weary of intrusting his opera- 
tions to others, in the year 1536, betook the command of anew 
armament, and after enduring incredible hardships discovered 
the large peninsula of California, and surveyed the greater part 
of the gulf which separates it from New Spain. 

563. The discovery of a country of such extent, would have 
reflected credit on a common adventurer, but could add little 
honor to the name of Cortes. Disgusted with ill success, and 
weary of contending with adversaries, to whom he considered 
it a disgrace to be opposed, he once more sought for redress in 
his native country. His fate there was the same with that of 
all the persons who had distinguished themselves in the disco- 
very of the New V/orld ; envied by his contemporaries, and 
ill requited by the court which he served, he ended his days on 
the second of December, 1547, in the sixty-second year of his 
age. 

564. The first viceroy of New Spain arrived in 1535. From 
tliis period to the year 1808, Mexico was governed by a suc- 
cession of fifty viceroys, of whom only one was an American 



AMERICA. 141 

by birth, the marquis de Casa Fuertc, a native of Pern. The 
annals of Mexico, from the conquest to the beginning of the 
present century, are remarkably devoid of interest. The revo- 
lutionary spirit which manifested itself in the other Spanish 
provinces, spread into Mexico in 1811, and produced an insur- 
rection which was quelled after much bloodshed. 

565. In Februar3/, 1821, a glorious and effectual revolution 
took place, which ended in the acknowledgment of the inde- 
pendence of Mexico, by don John O'Donoiu, who had been re- 
cently appointed captain-general of New Spain by the Spanisli 
government. By the intrigues of the court of Old Spain, Itur- 
bide attempted to establish himself as emperor of Mexico, in 
1822 ; but he was taken prisoner by the republican troops soon 
after he had effected a landing, put to death, and his family 
banished. The emissaries of the Spanish monarch still con- 
tinuing to foment dissensions among the people, a decree was 
passed by the Mexican Congress, in the beginning of 1828, 
that all Spaniards should leave the country within three months 
from the date of it : and though 'the minds of the inhabitants 
continued for a time in a high degree of political excitement, 
there is no doubt that the friends of order and pacific govern- 
ment will maintain the ascendency. 

CHAPTER IX. 

ACCOUNT OP PIZARRO. CONQUEST OF PERU. 

566. Having related the daring achievements of Cortes and 
his followers, and the subjugation of the Mexican empire, it 
now remains to close the history of South America with the 
conquest of Peru. The chief actors in this undertaking were 
Francis Pizarro, Diego Almagro, and Hernando Luquez. 

567. Pizarro was the illegitimate son of a gentleman, by a 
woman of very low birth ; and as it frequently happens to the 
offspring of unlawful love, he was neglected by the author of 
his birth, who was so unnatural as to set him, when arriving 
at the years of manhood, to feed his hogs. Young Pizarro 
could not long brook such an ignoble occupation. His aspiring 
mind thirsted after military glory, and he enlisted as a soldier ; 
and after serving some years in Italy, embarked for America, 
where he soon distinguished himself. 

568. With a courage no less daring, than the constitution 
of his body was robust, he was foremost in every danger, and 
endured the greatest hardships. Though he was so illiterate 
that he could not read, he was considered as a man formed to 



142 HISTORY OF 

command. Every expedition committed to his conduct, proved 
successful ; he was as cautious in executing, as bold in form- 
ing, his plans. Engaging early in active life, without any re- 
source but his own talents and industry, and depending upon 
himself to emerge from obscurity, he acquired such a perfect 
knowledge of affairs, and of men, that he was qualified to con- 
duct the one, and govern the other. 

569. Almagro had as little to boast of his descent. The one 
was born out of wedlock, the other a foundling. Educated 
like his companion, in the camp, he was equally intrepid, of 
insurmountable constancy, in enduring those hardships which 
were inseparable from military service in the New World. But 
in Almagro these splendid accomplishments were joined to an 
openness, generosity, and candor natural to men who profess 
the military art. In Pizarro, they were united with the ad- 
dress, the craft, and the dissimulation of a politician ; he had 
the art to conceal his own purposes, and sagacity to penetrate 
those of other men. 

570. Hernando de Luquez was an ecclesiastic, who acted 
both as priest and school-master at Panama, and who had 
amassed riches that inspired him with thoughts of rising to 
greater eminence. Such were the men who eventually over- 
turned one of the most extensive empires recorded in history. 

571. Their confederacy was authorized by Pedrarias, the 
governor of Panama, and was confirmed by the most solemn 
act of religion. Luquez celebrated mass, divided a consecrated 
host into three parts, of which each had his portion ; and thus 
in the name of the Prince of Peace, ratified a contract, of which 
plunder and bloodshed were the objects. 

572. Pizarro set sail from Panama on the fourteenth of No- 
vember, 1524, with one single vessel, and an hundred and 
eighty-two men. Almagro was to conduct the supplies of pro- 
visions and reinforcements of troops, and Luquez was to re- 
main at Panama to negotiate with the governor and promote 
the general interest. Pizarro had chosen the most improper 
time of the whole year ; the periodical winds at that time set 
in, and were directly adverse to the course he proposed to steer. 
After beating about for seventy days, his progress towards the 
south-east was no more than what a skilful navigator will make 
in as many hours. 

573. Notwithstanding Pizarro suffered incredible hardships 
from famine, fatigue, the hostility of the natives where he 
landed, the distempers incident to a moist sultry climate, which 
proved fatal to several of his men ; yet his resolution remained 



AMERICA. 143 

undaunted, and he endeavored, by every persuasive art, to re- 
animate their desponding hopes. At length he was obhged to 
abandon the inhospitable coast of Terra Firma, and retire to 
Chucama, opposite to the Pearl Islands, where he hoped to re- 
ceive a supply of provisions and troops fi'om Panama. 

574. Almagro soon after followed him with seventy men, 
and landing them on the continent, where he had hoped to meet 
with his associate, was repulsed by the Indians, in which con- 
flict he lost one eye by the wound of an arrov," : they likev.'ise 
were compelled to reimbark, and chance directed them to the 
place of Pizarro's retreat, where they, found some consolation 
in recounting to each other their sufferings. Notwithstanding 
all they had suffered, they were inflexibly bent to pursue their 
original intention. Almagro repaired to Panama, in hopes of 
recruiting their shattered troops; but his countrymen, discour- 
aged at the recital of the sufferings he and Pizarro had sus- 
tained, were not to be persuaded to engage in such hard ser- 
vice : the most he could muster was about fourscore men. 

575. Feeble as this reinforcement was, they did not hesitate 
about resuming their operations, and after a long series of dis- 
asters, part of the armament reached the bay of St. Matthew, 
on the coast of Quito, landed at Tacamez, to the south of the 
river of Emeralds, and beheld a country more fertile than any 
they had yet discovered on the Southern Ocean ; the natives 
were clad in garments of woollen, or cotton stuff, and adorned 
with trinkets of gold and silver. 

576. Pizarro and Almagro, however, were unvrilling to in- 
vade a country so populous, with a handful of men enfeebled 
by diseases and fatigue. Almagro met with an unfavorable re- 
ception from Pedro de los Rios, who had succeeded Pedrarias 
in the government of Panama. After weighing the matter with 
that cold economical prudence, esteemed the first of all virtues, 
by persons of limited faculties, incapable of conceiving or exe- 
cuting great designs, he concluded the expedition detrimental 
to an infant colony ; prohibited the raising new levies, and dis- 
patched a vessel to bring home Pizarro and his companions 
from the island of Gallo. 

577. Almagro and Luquez, deeply affected with these mea- 
sures, communicated their sentiments privately to Pizarro, re- 
questing hhn not to relinquish an enterprise on which all their 
hopes depended, as the means of re-estaWishing their reputa- 
tion and fortune. Pizarro's mind, inflexibly bent on all its pur- 
suits, required no incentive to persist in the scheme. He pe- 
remptorily refused to obey the governor of Panama's orders^. 



144 HISTORY OF 

and employed all his address and eloquence in persuading his 
men not to abandon him. 

578. But the thoughts of revisiting their families and friends, 
after so long an absence, and suffering such incredible hard- 
ships, rushed with such joy into their minds, that when Pizarro 
drew a line upon the sand with his sword, permitting such as 
wished to return home to pass over it, only thirteen daring 
veterans remained with their commander. This small, but de- 
termined band, whose names the Spanish historians record with 
deserved praise, as the persons to whose persevering fortitude 
their country was indebted for the most valuable of its Ameri- 
can possessions, fixed their residence in the island of Gorgona, 
where they determined to wait for supplies from Panama, 
which they trusted their associates there would eventually pro- 
cure. 

579. Almagro and Luquez were not inattentive or cold soli- 
citors, and their incessant importunity was seconded by the 
general voice of the people, who exclaimed loudly against the 
infamy of exposing brave men, engaged in the public service, 
charged with no error, but what flowed from an excess of zeal 
and courage. The governor, overcome with entreaties and ex- 
postulations, at last consented to send a small vessel to their 
relief. But unwilling to encourage Pizarro in any new enter- 
prise, he would not permit one land-man to embark. 

580. Pizarro and his companions had remained five months 
on an island in the most unhealthy climate in the region of 
America : during which period, they were buoyed up with 
hopes of succors from Panama ; till worn out with fruitless ex- 
pectations, they, in despair, came to a resolution of committing 
themselves to the ocean on a float ; but on the arrival of the 
vessel from Panama, they were transported with such joy, that 
all their sufferings were forgotten. Pizarro easily induced them 
to resume their former scheme with fresh ardor. Instead of 
returning to Panama, they stood towards the south-east, when, 
on the twentieth day after their departure, they discovered tlie 
coast of Peru. 

581. They landed in 1526 at Tumbez, a place of some note, 
distinguished for its stately temple, and a palace of the Incas 
or sovereigns of the country. There the Spaniards feasted 
their eyes with the first view of the opulence and civilization 
of the Peruvian empire : a country fully peopled and cultivated 
with an appearance of regular industry : the natives decently 
clothed, ingenious, and so far surpassing the other natives of 
the New V/orld, as to have the use of tame domestic animals. 



AMERICA. 145 

But their notice was most pleasingly attracted with the show 
of gold and silver, which not only appeared as ornaments on 
their persons and temples, but several of their vessels for com- 
mon use were made of those precious metals. 

582. Pizarro and his companions seemed now to have at- 
tained the completion of their most sanguine hopes, and con- 
cluded all their wishes and dreams of inexhaustible treasures, 
would soon be realized. It was, however, impracticable for 
him, with such a slender force, to make any progress in subju- 
gating a country so populous, and of which he hoped, hereaf- 
ter, to take possession. He ranged along the coast, maintain- 
ing a friendly intercourse with the natives, who were no less 
astonished at their new visitants than the Spaniards were with 
the uniform appearance of opulence and cultivation which they 
beheld. 

583. Having explored the country as far as was requisite to 
ascertain the importance of the discovery, Pizarro procured 
from the inhabitants some of their lamas, or tame cattle, to 
which the Spaniards gave the name of sheep ; some vessels of 
gold and silver, as well as some specimens of their other works 
of ingenuity ; and tvv-o young men, whom he proposed to in- 
struct in the Spanish language, that they might- serve as inter- 
preters in the expedition which he meditated : with these he 
arrived at Panama. Yet neither the splendid relation which he 
and his associates gave of the incredible opulence of the coun- 
try which he had discovered, nor the bitter complaints he made 
on account of the unseasonable recall of his forces, which had 
put it out of his power to. make a settlement there, could move 
the governor to swerve from his former purpose. 

584. His coldness, however, did not in any degree abate the 
ardor of the three associates ; they therefore determined to so- 
licit their sovereign to grant that permission which was refused 
by his delegate. With this view, after adjusting among them- 
selves that Pizarro should claim the station of governor, Alma- 
gro that of lieutenant governor, and Luquez the dignity of 
bishop, in the country which they proposed to conquer, they 
sent Pizarro as their agent to Spain. 

585. Pizarro lost no time in repairing to court ; he appeared 
before the emperor with the unembarrassed dignity of a man 
conscious of what his services merited ; and he conducted his 
negotiations with such dexterity and address, as could not have 
been expected from his education or former habits of life. His 
description of his own sufferings, and pompous account of the 
country which he had discovered, confirmed by the specimens 

N 



146 HISTORY OF 

he had brought, made such an impression on Charles, and his 
ministers, that they not only approved of the intended expedi- 
tion, but seemed to be interested in the success of its leader. 
Presuming upon those favorable dispositions, Pizarro paid little 
attention to the interest of his associates : but as the preten- 
sions of Luquez did not interfere with his own, he obtained for 
him the ecclesiastical dignity to which he aspired. 

586. For Almagro he claimed only the command of a for- 
tress, intended to be erected at Tumbez. To himself he secured 
whatever his boundless ambition could desire. He was ap- 
pointed governor, captain-general, and adelantado of all the 
country which he had discovered, and hoped to conquer ; with 
supreme authority, civil as well as military, and an absolute 
right to all the privileges and emoluments, usually granted to 
adventurers in the New World. His jurisdiction was declared 
to extend six hundred miles along the coast, south of the river 
St. Jago ; to be independent of the governor of Panama : and 
he had power to nominate all the officers who were to serve 
under him. 

587. In return for these concessions, Pizarro engaged to raise 
two hundred and fifty men ; to provide the ships, arms, and 
requisite warlike stores, to subject to the crown of Castile, the 
country of which the government was allotted him. Pizarro's 
funds were so low, that he could not complete more than half 
the stipulated number : after he had received his patents from 
the crown, he was obliged to steal away privately, out of the 
port of Seville, in order to elude the scrutiny of the officers 
who were charged to examine whether he had fulfilled the 
stipulations of his contract : before his departure, Cortes, who 
had returned to Spain about this time, advanced him a supply 
of money, willing to contribute his aid towards enabling an 
ancient companion, with whose talents and courage he was well 
acquainted, to begin a career of glory, similar to that which he 
himself had finished. 

588. He landed at Nombre de Dios, in 1529, and marched 
across the isthmus to Panama, accompanied by his three bro- 
thers, Ferdinand, Juan, and Gonzalo : of whom the first was born 
in lawful wedlock, the others, like himself, were of illegitimate 
birth ; and by Francis his mother's brother. They were all in 
the prime of life, and of such abilities and courage, as fitted 
them to take a distinguished part in his subsequent transactions. 
. Pizarro found Almagro so much exasperated at the manner in 
which he had conducted the negotiation, that he not only re- 
fused to act any longer, in concert with a man, by whose per- 



AMERICA. 147 

fidy he had been deprived of the honors and emoluments to 
which he had a just claim, but labored to thwart all his schemes, 
and rival him in his discoveries. 

589. Pizarro had more wisdom and address than to sufler a 
rupture so fatal to all his schemes, to become irreparable. By 
offering voluntarily to relinquish the office of adelantado, and 
promising to concur in soliciting that title, with an independent 
government for Almagro, be gradually mitigated the rage of an 
open-hearted soldier, which had been violent, but not implacable. 
Luquez, highly satisfied with having been successful in all his 
own pretensions, zealously seconded Pizarro's endeavors. A 
reconciliation was effected ; and the confederacy renewed on its 
original terms. 

590. Notwithstanding their reunion, their interest was barely 
sufficient to equip three small vessels ; on board of these ship- 
ped only one hundred and eighty soldiers : thirty-six of whom 
were horsemen. Pizarro, with this contemptible force, set sail 
to invade a great empire. Almagro was left at Panama, as for- 
merly, to follow him with what reinforcements he could procure. 
Pizarro completed the voyage in thirteen days, but was carried 
by the winds and currents above three hundred miles north of 
Tumbez, the ^place of his destination, and was obliged to land 
his troops in the bay of St. Matthew, 

591. Without losing a moment, he began to advance towards 
the south, taking care not to depart from the sea-shore, that he 
might effect a junction with the supplies he expected from Pan- 
ama. Pizarro, in attacking the natives when he ought to obtain 
their confidence, subjected himself and his followers to many 
calamities ; such as famine, fatigues, and diseases of various 
kinds, hardly inferior to those which they had endured in their 
former expedition. These disasters corresponded so ill with the 
alluring prospect of the country given by Pizarro, that many 
began to reproach him, and every soldier must have become 
cold to the service, had they not met with some appearances of 
wealth, which seemed to justify the reports of their leader. 

592. At length they reached the province of Coaque, the 
fourteenth of April, 1531, and having surprised the principal 
settlement of the natives, they seized the vessels and ornaments 
of gold and silver, valued at thirty thousand dollars, with other 
booty of such value, as dispelled all their doubts, and inspired 
the most desponding with sanguine hopes. 

593. Pizarro was so delighted with this rich spoil, which he 
considered the fruits of a land overflowing with treasure, that 
he instantly dispatched one of his ships to Panama, with a large 



148 HISTORY OF 

remittance to Almagro ; and another to Nicaragua, with a con- 
siderable sum to certain persons of influence in that province, 
in hopes of alluring adventurers, by this early display of the 
wealth which he had acquired. Disdaining to employ any con- 
ciliatory means to bring over the natives to his interest, he 
continued his march, and attacked them with such violence in 
their scattered habitations, as compelled them to retire into the 
interior country, or to submit at discretion. 

594. This sudden appearance of strangers whose actions 
and manners were so different from their own, and whose power 
appeared irresistible, made the same dreadful impression on 
these natives, as in fhe other parts of America. He met with 
little resistance, until he attacked the island of Puna, in the bay 
of Guayaquil. The inhabitants of this island were numerous, 
less civilized and more fierce and warlike than those on the 
continent ; they defended themselves with such obstinate valor, 
that six months elapsed before Pizarro could reduce them to 
subjection. 

595. From Puna he proceeded to Tumbez, where he remain- 
ed three months to recruit his men, who were attacked by dis- 
tempers peculiar to the climate. While he lay here, two detach- 
ments arrived from Nicaragua, which, though neither exceeded 
thirty men, he considered as a reinforcement of great conse- 
quence ; especially as they were commanded by Sebastian Ben- 
alcazar, and Hernando Soto, two officers of distinguished merit 
and reputation. From Tumbez he proceeded to the river Piura, 
and near the mouth of it, he established the first Spanish colony 
in Peru ; to which he gave the name of St. Michael. 

596. At the time when the Spaniards invaded Peru, the ter- 
ritory of its sovereigns extended in length from north to south 
above fifteen hundred miles, along the Pacific ocean ; the breadth 
from east to west was considerably less, being bounded by the 
vast ridge of the Andes, stretching from one extremity to the 
other. According to the traditions of the natives of Peru, they 
were rude and uncivilized like the rest of the savages of Amer- 
ica, until Manco Capac and Mamma Ocollo appeared amongst 
them, who declared themselves to be the children of the Sun, 
sent by their beneficent parent, in pity, to instruct and reclaim 
them. These extraordinary personages settled at Cuzco, and 
laid the foundations of a city. 

597. Manco Capac instructed the men in agriculture, and 
the useful arts. Mamma Ocollo taught the women to spin and 
weave. After providing food and raiment and habitations for 
the rude people, of whom he took charge, Manco Capac intro- 



AMERICA. 149 

duced such laws and policy, as might be the most likely to per- 
petuate their happiness. The functions of those he placed in 
authority were so well defined, and the administration of jus- 
tice maintained with so steady a hand, that the country over 
which he presided assumed the aspect of a well-governed 
state. 

598. Thus, according to tradition, was founded the empire of 
the Incas, or Lords of Peru. They were not only obeyed as 
monarchs, but revered as divinities. Their persons were held 
sacred; intermarriages with the people were forbidden, and 
their blood was never contaminated with any other race : their 
clothing was different ; the monarch appeared with ensigns of 
royalty, reserved for him alone, and received from his subjects 
homage and respect which approached to adoration. 

599. In the year 1526, Huana Capac, the twelfth monarch 
from the founder of the state, was seated on the throne, eminent 
for his pacific virtues, as well as for his martial talents ; he 
added the kingdom of Quito to his dominions, by which he near- 
ly doubled the power of the Peruvian empire : he m^arried the 
daughter of the vanquished monarch of Quito, by whom he had 
a son, Atahualpa, whom he named at his death his successor, 
which happened about the year 1529, leaving the rest of his 
kingdom to Huascar his eldest son, by a mother of the royal 
race. 

600. Notwithstanding the Peruvians revered the memory ©f 
a monarch, to whose wise administration their country was so 
much indebted ; yet, when they were informed of the order of 
succession so repugnant to ancient usage, and deemed sacred 
amongst them, they manifested a disposition unfavorable to his 
successor. Huascar, encouraged by those sentiments of his 
subjects, required his brother to renounce the government of 
Quito, and to acknowledge him as his lawful superior; but 
Atahualpa had gained to his interest a large body of troops, 
which had accompanied his father to Quito ; these were the 
flower of the Peruvian warriors, and were accustomed to vic- 
tory : relying on their support, Atahualpa eluded his brother's 
demand, and marched against him in hostile array. 

601. Thus, by the ambition of two young men, the kingdom 
of Peru was involved in a civil war : the force of arms triumphed 
over the authority of the laws, and Atahualpa remained victo- 
rious, but made a cruel use of his victory. He put to death 
all the children of the Sun, descended from Manco Capac, 
whom he could seize by force or stratagem. His brother Huas- 
car, from political motives, was spared for some time, and dc- 

N2 



150 HISTORY OF 

tained a prisoner, that by issuing orders in his name the usurper 
might more easily estabhsh his own authority. 

602. When Pizarro landed in the bay of St. Michael, this 
civil war raged with such fury between the two brothers, that 
although they received early accounts of the invasion of their 
country, and the violent proceedings of the Spaniards, they 
were so intent upon a war, which to them appeared more in- 
teresting, that they paid no attention to the motions of an ene- 
my, whose number was too small to excite any great alarm ; 
and whose career they imagined they could easily check when 
more at leisure. 

603. The first information Pizarro received respecting the 
war, was from Huascar himself, who sent messengers to Pi- 
zarro to solicit his aid against Atahualpa, whom he represented 
as an usurper, and a rebel. Pizarro discovered at once the im- 
portance of this intelligence ; and without waiting for the rein- 
forcement which he expected from Panama, with part of his 
troops boldly pushed forward, leaving a small garrison in St. 
Michael. 

604. He directed his course towards Caxamarca, a small 
town at the distance of twelve days' march from St. Michael, 
where Atahualpa was encamped with a considerable body of 
troops. Before he had proceeded far, an officer from the Inca 
met him, with a valuable present, and an offer of his alliance, 
together with an assurance of a friendly reception at Caxa- 
marca. 

605. Pizarro, with the usual artifice of his countrymen in 
America, pretended he was the ambassador of a very power- 
ful monarch ; that he was coming to assist him against those 
enemies who disputed his title to the throne. The Peruvians 
had formed various conjectures concerning the Spaniards ; it 
was altogether incomprehensible to them what had induced the 
strangers to enter their country : sometimes they were disposed 
to consider them as beings of a superior nature, who had visited 
them from a beneficent motive. 

606. Their continual professions of good-will strengthened 
this conjecture, and Pizarro's declaration of his pacific inten- 
tion, so gained upon the credulity of the Inca, that he deter- 
mined to give him a friendly reception : he therefore allowed 
the Spaniards to march in tranquillity across the sandy desert 
between St. Michael and Motupe, where the most feeble effort 
of an enemy, added to the unavoidable distresses which they 
suffered in passing through that comfortless region, must have 
proved fatal to them. From thence they advanced to the moun- 



AMERICA. 151 

tains, and passed through a narrow defile so inaccessible, that 
a few men might have defended it against the whole power of 
Spain, in that part of the globe. 

607. The Spaniards were suffered to take possession of a 
fort, erected for the security of that important station. As 
they drew near to Caxamarca, Atahualpa renewed his pro- 
fessions of friendship ; and as a further proof of his sincerity, 
sent them presents of much greater value than the former. 

608. The Spaniards, on entering Caxamarca, took posses- 
sion of a large space of ground, on one side of which was a 
palace of the Inca, and on the other a temple of the Sun : the 
whole surrounded with a strong rampart of earth. The troops 
being thus safely disposed, Pizarro dispatched Hernando Soto 
and his brother Ferdinand to the camp of Atahualpa, which 
was about a league distant from the town. They were in- 
structed to confirm the declaration he had before made, of his 
pacific disposition, and to request an interview with the Inca. 

609. They were treated with that respectful hospitality usual 
among the Peruvians, and obtained a promise from the Inca to 
visit the Spanish commander next day in his quarters. The 
deputies were astonished at the order which prevailed in the 
court of the Peruvian monarch ; but their attention was more 
particularly attracted by the vast profusion of wealth which 
they observed in the Inca's camp. The rich ornaments worn 
by him and his attendants ; the vessels of gold and silver, in 
which the repast offered to them was served up, and the uten- 
sils of every kind, formed of those precious metals used in 
common amongst them, opened prospects far exceeding any 
idea of opulence that a European of the sixteenth century could 
form. 

610. On their return to Caxamarca, while their minds were 
yet warm with admiration and desire of the wealth which they 
had beheld ; they gave such a description of it to their coun- 
trymen, as confirmed Pizarro in a resolution he had already 
taken. He remembered the advantages Cortes had gained by 
seizing Montezuma ; and he was, from the same motives, desi- 
rous of getting the Inca in his power, by a plan as daring as 
it was perfidious. 

611. He determined to avail himself of the unsuspicious 
simplicity with which Atahualpa relied on his professions, and 
to seize his person during the interview to which he had in- 
vited him. He formed his plan with deliberation, and with as 
little compunction as if it was perfectly allowable by principles 
of justice and honor. He divided his cavalfy into three small 



152 HISTORY OF 

squadrons, under the command of his brother Ferdinand, Soto> 
and Benalcazar ; his infantry was formed in one body, except 
twenty of tried courage, whom he kept near his own person, 
to support him in the dangerous service which he reserved for 
himself; the artillery consisting of two field-pieces, and the 
cross-bow men, were placed opposite to the avenue, by which 
Atahualpa was to approach. All were commanded to keep 
within the square, and not to move until the signal for the ac- 
tion was given. 

612. Early in the morning, the Peruvian, camp was all in 
motion. Atahualpa, solicitous to appear with the greatest 
splendor and magnificence in his first interview with the stran- 
gers, took up so much time in his preparations, that the day 
was far advanced before he began his march, and moved so 
slowly, that the Spaniards were apprehensive their intention 
was suspected. To remove this, Pizarro dispatched one of 
his officers with fresh assurance of his friendly disposition. 

613. The Inca at length approached, preceded by four hun- 
dred men in an uniform dress, as harbingers to clear the way 
before him. He himself sitting on a throne, adorned with 
plumes of various colors, almost covered with plates of gold 
and silver enriched with precious stones, was carried on the 
shoulders of his principal attendants. Behind him came some 
chief officers of his court, carried in the same manner, attend- 
ed by several bands of musicians, and the whole plain was 
covered v/ith troops amounting to more than .30,000 men. 

614. As the Inca drew near the Spanish quarters, father 
Vincent Valverde, chaplain to the expedition, advanced with a 
crucifix in one hand, and a breviary in the other, and in a long 
discourse attempted to explain to him the fall of Adam, the in- 
carnation, sufferings, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ ; 
tlie appointment of St. Peter as God's vicegerent on earth, the 
transmission of his apostolic power by succession to the popes, 
and the donation made by pope Alexander to the king of Cas- 
tile of all the regions in the New World. 

615. In consequence of all this, he required Atahualpa to 
embrace the Christian faith, and acknowledge the pope as su- 
preme head of the church, and the king of Castile as his law- 
ful sovereign ; promising, that if he instantly complied, the 
Castilian monarch would take him under his protection, and 
permit him to continue in the exercise of his royal authority ; 
but if he should impiously refuse to obey his summons, he de- 
nounced war against him in his master's name, and threatened 
him with the most dreadilil effects of his vencreance. 



AMERICA. 153 

616. This strange harangue upon abstruse subjects, and un- 
known facts, it was impossible at once to make an untutored 
Indian understand. It was altogether incomprehensible to him. 
Those parts of more obvious meaning, filled him with aston- 
ishment and indignation. His reply, notwithstanding, was tem- 
perate. He observed that he was lord over the dominions he 
governed, by hereditary right ; that he could not conceive how 
a foreign priest should pretend to dispose of territories whicli 
did not belong to him ; that if such a preposterous grant had 
been made, he, as rightful possessor, refused to confirm it ; and 
that he had no inclination to renounce the religious faith of his 
'ancestors, nor would he forsake the service of the Sun, the 
immortal divinity, whom he and his people revered, in order to 
worship the god of the Spaniards, who was subject to death ; 
that as to the other parts of the discourse, as he could not un- 
derstand their meaning, he wished to know where he had 
learned things so extraordinary. " In this book," answered 
Valverde, reaching out to him his breviaa-y. The Inca opened 
it eagerly, and turning over the leaves, lifted it to his ear : 
" This," says he, " is silent : it tells me nothing," and threw 
it with disdain to the ground. The monk, enraged at this ac- 
tion, ran towards his countrymen, and cried out, " Christians ! 
to arms ! to arms ! the word of God is insulted, avenge this 
profanation on those impious dogs !" 

617. Pizarro gave the signal of assault: instantly the mar- 
tial music struck up, the cannon and muskets began to fire, 
they sallied out fiercely to the charge, and the infantry rushed 
on sword in hand. The astonished Peruvians, dismayed at the 
suddenness of the attack, so altogether unexpected ; the irre- 
sistible impression of the cavalry, and the fire-arms, fled with 
universal consternation in every quarter, without attempting 
any defence. Pizarro, at the head of his chosen band, ad- 
vanced directly towards the Inca ; and notwithstanding his no- 
bles vied with each other in sacrificing their own lives to cover 
the sacred person of their sovereign, the Spaniards soon pene- 
trated to the royal seat ; and Pizarro having seized the Inca 
by the arm, dragged him to the ground, and carried him as a 
prisoner to his quarters. 

618. The Spaniards, elated with success, pursued the fugi- 
tive Peruvians in every direction, and with unrelenting bar- 
barity continued the slaughter until the close of the day, with- 
out meeting any resistance. About four thousand Peruvians 
were killed, not one Spaniard fell, and Pizarro was the only 
one hurt, having received a shght wound from one of his 



154 HISTORY OF 

own soldiers, while struggling to lay hold of the Inca. The 
plunder of the field was rich, beyond any idea which the Span- 
iards had formed concerning the wealth of Peru. 

619. Transported with their success, and the value of their 
plunder, they passed the night in mirth and rejoicings, as might 
have been expected from such needy adventurers, upon such a 
sudden change of fortune : their exultation was extravagant, 
and without any remorse for having slain so many innocent 
people, without any just cause of provocation. 

620. At first the Inca could hardly believe a calamity so 
unexpected to be real. But he soon felt all the misery of his 
fate ; his dejection was equal in proportion to the grandeur from 
which he had fallen. Pizarro fearing he should lose the great 
advantages he had promised himself, by having him in his pos- 
session, endeavored to console him, with professions of kind- 
ness and respect, that did not in the least correspond with his 
actions. 

621. By residing among the Spaniards, Atahualpa soon dis- 
covered their ruling passion ; which they were in nowise care- 
ful to conceal ; and by applying to tliat made an attempt to re- 
cover his liberty. The offer he made for his ransom astonished 
the Spaniards. The apartment in which he was confined, was 
twenty-two feet in length and sixteen in breadth ; this he under- 
took to fill with vessels of gold, as high as he could reach. 
Pizarro closed with this tempting proposal, and a line was drawn 
upon the walls of the chamber, to mark the stipulated height, 
to which the treasure was to rise. 

622. Pleased with having a prospect of liberty, the Inca took 
measures for fulfilling his part of the agreement, by sending 
messengers to Cuzco, Quito, and other places, where gold had 
been amassed, with orders to bring what was necessary for ob- 
taining his ransom, immediately to Caxamarca. The Peruvi- 
ans, accustomed to respect every mandate of their sovereign 
with the greatest alacrity, executed his orders. 

623. Deceived with the hopes of regaining his liberty by 
this means, and afraid of endangering his life, by forming any 
other scheme for his relief, no preparations were made, and no 
army assembled, to avenge their own wrongs, or those of their 
monarch, though the force of the empire was entire. The 
Spaniards remained at Caxamarca unmolested. Small detach- 
ments marched into the remote provinces of the empire, and 
instead of meeting with any opposition, were received with dis- 
tinguished marks of respect. 



AMERICA. 155 

624. About the month of December, 1532, Ahnagro landed 
at St. Michael, with such a reinforcement as was nearly double 
in number to the forces with Pizarro. The arrival of this lono- 
expected succor was not more agreeable to the Spaniards, 
than alarming to the Inca. He saw the power of his enemies 
increase ; and ignorant of the source from whence they derived 
their supplies, or the means by which they were conveyed to 
Peru, he could not foresee to what a height' the inundation that 
poured in upon his dominions might arise. 

625. While his mind was agitated by these reflections, he 
learned that some of the Spaniards, in their way to Cuzco, had 
visited his brother Huascar, in the place where he kept him 
confined, and that the captive prince had represented to them 
the justice of his cause ; and if they would espouse it, he had 
promised them a quantity of treasure, vastly exceeding what he 
was to give for his ransom. He clearly perceived his own 
destruction to be inevitable, if the Spaniards should listen to this 
proposal ; and as he well knew their insatiable thirst for gold, 
he had not the least doubt but they would close in with the 
proposal. 

626. To prevent this, and to save his own life, he gave orders 
that Huascar should be put to death ; which was obeyed, like 
all his other commands, with scrupulous punctuality. The In- 
dians meanwhile daily arrived from different parts of the king- 
dom, loaded with treasure ; a great part was now amassed of 
what had been agreed upon, and Atahualpa assured the Span- 
iards, that the only reason why the whole v/as not brought in 
was, the remoteness of the provinces where it was deposited. 

627. But such vast piles of gold, presented continually to the 
view of needy soldiers, had so inflamed their avarice, that it 
vvas impossible any longer to restrain their impatience to obtain 
possession?of this rich booty. The whole, except some vessels 
of curious 'workmanship, reserved as a present for the emperor, 
was melted down, and atler deducting a fifth for the emperor, 
there remained the amount of 1,528,500 dollars to Pizarro 
and his followers; besides 100,000 dollars as a donative to 
Almagro and his soldiers. 

628. The festival of St. James, the patron saint of Spain, 
v,as the day chosen for the division of this large sum ; it began 
with a solemn invocation of the name of God, and with ridicu- 
lous grimace, pretended (for they could not be in earnest) they 
expected the guidance of heaven, in distributing those wages of 
iniquity. Eight thousand dollars, equal to five times that amount 
in the present century, fell to the share of each horseman, and 



156 HISTORY OF 

half that sum to each foot-soldier. Pizarro and his officers 
received dividends in proportion to their rank. 

629. There is no record in history, of a sum so great ever 
being divided among so small a number of soldiers. Many of 
them having thus unexpectedly acquired, what they deemed a 
competency, were so impatient to retire, and spend the remain- 
der of their days in their native country, that they demanded 
their discharge with clamorous importunity. Pizarro, sensible 
that, from such men, he could expect neither enterprise in ac- 
tion, nor fortitude in suffering ; persuaded at the same time that, 
wherever they went, the display of their wealth would allure 
other adventurers, granted their suit without reluctance, and 
permitted above sixty of them to accompany his brother Fer- 
dinand, whom he sent to Spain with an account of his success, 
and the present destined for the emperor. 

630. The treasure being now divided among the Spaniards, 
the Inca demanded his liberty, agreeably to their promise. Pi- 
zarro, instead of fulfilling this, had secretly determined to take 
away his life. Though he had seized the Inca, in imitation of 
Cortes' conduct towards the Mexican monarch, he was desti- 
tute of the talents for carrying on the same artful policy, by 
which he might have derived still greater advantages, from, be- 
ing master of his person. Atahualpa is allowed by the Spanish 
historians to have been a prince of greater abilities than Mon- 
tezuma : he penetrated more thoroughly into the character and 
intentions of the Spaniards, so that mutual suspicion and distrust 
soon took place between them. 

631. Almagro and his followers, from selfish motives, de- 
manded his life ; and the unhappy prince inadvertently contrib- 
uted to hasten his ov/n fate ; during his confinement, he had 
attached himself with peculiar affection to Ferdinand Pizarro, 
and Hernando Soto, who had behaved to him with more de- 
cency and attention than the other officers had. Soothed with 
such respect from persons of their rank, he delighted in their 
society : — but in the presence of Pizarro he was overawed and 
uneasy ; this soon became mingled with contempt. 

632. He considered that among all the European arts, read- 
ing and writing were most to be admired. He long deliberated 
with himself, whether he should consider it as a natural or an 
acquired talent. In order to determine this, he desired one of 
the soldiers who guarded him, to write the name of God on 
the nail of his thumb. This he showed to several Spaniards, 
asking its meaning ; and to his amazement they all returned 
the same answer. iVt length Pizarro entered ; and on present- 



AMERICA. 157 

iug it to him, he blushed, and with some confusion was obliged 
to acknowledge his ignorance. From that moment Atahualpa 
considered him as a mean person, less instructed than his own 
soldiers; and he had not address enough to conceal the senti- 
ments with which this discovery inspired him. 

633. To be the object of a barbarian's scorn, so mortified 
the pride of Pizarro, and excited such resentment in his breast, 
as added force to all the other considerations which prompted 
him to put the Inca to death. But that he might not be alone 
responsible for the commission of so violent and unjust an ac- 
tion, he resolved to try him with all the formalities observed in 
the criminal courts in Spain. Pizarro himself, and Almagro, 
with two assistants, were appointed judges, with full power to 
acquit or condemn ; an attorney-general was named to carry 
on the prosecution in the king's name ; counsellors were chosen 
to assist the prisoner in his defence ; and clerks were appointed 
to record the proceedings of the court. 

634. Before this mock tribunal, a charge v»as exhibited alto- 
gether so absurd, that the effrontery of Pizarro, in making it 
the ground of a serious procedure, is as surprising as his in- 
justice in depriving the monarch of a great empire of his lib- 
erty, and then bringing him to trial for exercising his sovereignty, 
agreeably to the known customs and laws established before 
the Spaniards ever came amongst them ; and over whom they 
had no jurisdiction. 

635. To judges predetermined in their opinion, the accusa- 
tions appeared sufficient. They pronounced Atahualpa guilty, 
and condemned him to be burned. Friar Valverde prostituted 
the authority of his sacred function to confirm this sentence, 
and by his signature warranted it to be just. 

636. Astonished at his fate, Atahualpa endeavored to avert 
it by his tears, by promises, and by entreaties that he might be 
sent to Spain, where a monarch would be the arbiter of his 
fate. The unfeeling heart of Pizarro was never softened by 
pity. He ordered him to be led instantly to execution ; and 
what added to the bitterness of his last moments, the same 
monk who had just ratified his doom, offered to console, and 
attempted to convert him ,• and promised to obtain a mitigation 
of his punishment, if he would embrace the Christian faith. 
The dread of a cruel death extorted from the trembling victim 
a desire of receiving baptism. The ceremony was performed ; 
and Atahualpa, instead of being burned, was strangled at the 
stake. But it remains on record for the credit of the Spanish 
nation, that even among the profligate adventurers which were 

O 



158 HISTORY OF 

sent to conquer and desolate the New World, there were per- 
sons who retained some of the Castilian generosity and honor. 

637. Though Ferdinand Pizarro and Soto were sent off on 
separate commands before the trial of the Inca, there were 
others who opposed- this odious transaction. Several officers, 
and amongst those some of the greatest reputation, and most 
respectable fame in the service, not only remonstrated, but pro- 
tested against this measure of their general, as disgraceful to 
their country, as repugnant to every maxim of equity, as a 
violation of pubhc faith, and an usurpation of jurisdiction over 
an independent monarch, to which they had no title. But their 
endeavors were vain ; the greater number, such as held every 
thing to be lawful that was advantageous, prevailed. History 
records the unsuccessful exertions of virtue with applause, and 
the Spanish writers have not failed to preserve the names of 
those who made the laudable effort to save their country from 
the infamy of having perpetrated such a crime. 

638. After the execution of Atahualpa, Pizarro invested one 
of his sons with the ensigns of royalty, expecting that a young 
man without experience would prove a more passive instru- 
ment in his hands, than an ambitious monarch, who had been 
accustomed to independent command. The people of Cuzco 
and the adjacent country acknowledged Manco Capac a brother 
of Huascar, as Inca ; but the authority of the Incas was dis- 
solved by the violent convulsions into which the empire had 
been thrown : first, by the civil wars between the two brothers, 
and then by the invasion of the Spaniards. They had seen the 
monarch suffer an ignominious death by the hands of stran- 
gers ; many of the descendants of the Sun had been cut off by 
Atahualpa : their influence in the state was lost, and the ac- 
customed respect to that sacred race sensibly diminished. 

639. The general who commanded for Atahualpa in Quito, 
seized the brother and children of his late master, put them to 
a cruel death, and endeavored to establish a separate kingdom 
for himself. 

640. Pizarro no longer hesitated to advance to Cuzco ; he 
had received considerable reinforcements : the account of the 
wealth acquired at Caxamarca, operated as he had foreseen. 
No sooner did his brother Ferdinand arrive at Panama, and 
display their riches to their astonished countrymen, than fame 
spread the account with such exaggeration, through all the 
Spanish settlements on the South Sea, that the governors of 
Guatimala, Panama, and Nicaragua, could hardly restrain the 
people from abandoning their possessions, and crowding to that 



AMERICA. 159 

inexhaustible source of wealth, which seemed to be opened in 
Peru. 

641. In spite of every check, such numbers resorted thither, 
that Pizarro began his march at the head of five hundred men, 
after leaving a considerable garrison at St. Michael, under the 
command of Benalcazar. The Peruvians had assembled some 
large bodies of troops to oppose his progress ; several fierce 
encounters happened ; but they terminated like all the actions 
in America — a few Spaniards were killed or wounded, and the 

. natives put to flight with incredible slaughter. Pizarro at length 
forced his way into Cuzco, and quietly seated himself in that 
capital. The riches found there exceeded in value what had 
been received as Atahualpa's ransom. 

642. In their march to Cuzco, the son of Atahualpa, whom 
Pizarro had invested with the ensigns of royalty, died ; and as 
the Spaniards neglected to appoint another in his place, Manco 
Capac seems to have been universally recognized. Benalcazar, 
who had been left governor of St. Michael, an able and enter- 
prising officer, was ashamed to be idle while his brethren were 
in arms, and in action : and impatient to have his name distin- 
guished among the conquerors of the New World, set out to 
attempt the reduction of Quito, leaving a sufficient force to pro- 
tect the infant settlement intrusted to his care, which was aug- 
mented by fresh recruits from Panama and Nicaragua. 

643. Benalcazar had been informed by some of the natives, 
that Atahualpa had left the greatest part of his treasures at 
Quito. After marching through a mountainous country, cov- 
ered with woods, and often attacked by the best troops in 
Peru, conducted by a skilful leader, the valor and good con- 
duct of Benalcazar surmounted every obstacle, and he entered 
Quito with his victorious troops. But here they met with a 
cruel disappointment. The natives were now acquainted with 
the predominant passion of their invaders, and had carried off 
all those treasures, the prospect of which had prompted them 
to undertake this arduous expedition. 

644. By this time Ferdinand Pizarro had landed in Spain. 
The immense quantities of gold and silver which he carried 
with him, obtained him a gracious reception. In recompense 
of his brother's services, his authority was confirmed with new 
powers and privileges, and the addition of seventy leagues 
along the coast, made to his former grant. Almagro received 
the honors he had so ardently desired. The title of Adelan- 
tado, or governor, was conferred upon him, with jurisdiction 
over two hundred leagues of country, stretching beyond the 



160 HISTORY OF 

southern limits of the province allotted to Pizarro. Ferdinand 
was admitted into the military order of St. Jago, a distinction 
always acceptable to a Spanish gentleman ; he soon after set 
out on his return to Peru, accompanied by many persons of 
higher rank than had yet served in that country. Some ac- 
counts of his negotiations had reached Peru before his arrival 
there. 

645. Almagro being informed that he had obtained the royal 
patent for an independent government, pretended that Cuzco, 
the imperial residence of the Incas, lay within its boundaries, 
and attempted to make himself master of that important sta- 
tion. Juan and Gonzalez Pizarro prepared to oppose him. 
Each of the contending parties were supported by powerful ad- 
herents, and the dispute was on the point of being terminated 
by the sword, when Francis Pizarro arrived in the capital. 
Their reconciliation had never been sincere. Pizarro's treachery 
in engrossing all the honors and emoluments which, according 
to agreement, was to have been shared equally amongst them, 
was always present in both their thoughts. 

646. Pizarro, conscious of his own perfidy, expected no for- 
giveness ; and Almagro was impatient to be revenged. But, 
notwithstanding these incentives to hostilities, each was so well 
acquainted with the courage and abilities of his rival, that they 
dreaded the consequences of an open rupture. That evil was 
averted for the present, by the address and firmness of Pizarro ; 
a new reconciliation took place ; the most prominent article in 
this treaty was, that Almagro should attempt the conquest of 
Chili ; and if that was not adequate to his merit, Pizarro en- 
gaged to indemnify him out of his Peruvian possessions. This 
agreement was confirmed with the same sacred solemnities as 
their first contract, and observed with no better fidelity. 

647. Pizarro, after he had concluded this important transac- 
tion, marched back to the countries on the sea-coast, and ap- 
plied himself with that persevering ardor, for which he was so 
eminently distinguished, to introduce a regular form of govern- 
ment. His natural sagacity supplied the want of science and 
experience : he divided the country into various districts, and 
appointed magistrates to preside in each : he considered him- 
self as laying the foundation of a great empire ; he deliberated 
with much solicitude, in which place he should fix the seat of 
government. Cuzco was situated in a corner of the empire, 
about four hundred miles from the sea, and at a greater dis- 
tance from Quito. 

648. In marching through the country, he had been struck 



AMERICA. 161 

with the beauty and fertility of the valley of Rimac, one of the 
most fertile and best cultivated in Peru. There, on the banks 
of a small river of the same name, about six miles from Callao, 
the most commodious harbor in the Pacific Ocean, he founded 
the city known at this time by the name of Lima. On the 18th 
of January, A. D. 1535, lie laid the foundation of a magnifi- 
cent palace, which he destined for his own occupancy ; and 
under his inspection the work advanced with great rapidity ; — 
the stately houses erected by several of his officers, gave, even 
in its infancy, some indication of its subsequent grandeur. 

649. Almagro, in consequence of his agreement with Pizarro, 
began his march towards Chili ; and as he was admired by his 
soldiers for a boundless liberality and fearless courage, his stand- 
ard was followed by five hundred and seventy men: the great- 
est body of Europeans that had hitherto been assembled in Peru. 
Impatient to finish the expedition, instead of advancing along 
the level country, Almagro chose to march across the moun- 
tains, by a shorter route, but almost impracticable. 

650. By calamities they sufiered from fatigue, famine, and 
the inclemency of the climate, many of them perished ; and 
when they descended into the fertile plains of Chili, they found 
there a race of men nearly resembling the warlike tribes in 
North America. Though filled with wonder at the first appear- 
ance of the Spaniards, and astonished at the operations of their 
cavalry and fire-arms, the Chilese soon recovered from their 
surprise, defended themselves with obstinacy, and attacked their 
new enemies with more determined fierceness and courage, than 
any American nation had hitherto discovered. 

651. The Spaniards, notwithstanding this formidable oppo- 
sition, continued to penetrate into the country, and collected 
some considerable quantities of gold ; but so far were they from 
thinking to form any settlement among such powerful neigh- 
bors, that in spite of the experience and valor of their leader, 
the final issue of the expedition remained extremely dubious. 
While they were in this painful suspense, a messenger arrived, 
who informed Almagro of a revolution that had unexpectedly 
taken place in Peru ; the causes of which, as they make a ne- 
cessary part of the History of America, it is expedient to trace 
to their source. 

652. So many adventurers had flocked to Peru in the year 
1535, from every Spanish colony in America, and all with such 
high expectations of accumulating independent fortunes at once, 
that Pizarro thought it unsafe for them to be inactive ; he there- 
fore encouraged some of the principal officers, who had lately 

02 



162 HISTORY OF 

joined him, to invade different provinces of the empire, which 
the Spaniards had not hitherto visited. Several large bodies 
were formed for this purpose, and about the time that Almagro 
set out for Chili, they marched into remote districts of the coun- 
try. Manco Capac the Inca, observing the imprudence of the 
Spaniards in thus dividing their forces, and leaving only a small 
number for the defence of Cuzco, under Juan and Gonzalo 
Pizarro, resolved to avail himself of the advantage their weak- 
ness gave him. 

653. Though strictly watched by the Spaniards, he found 
means to communicate his scheme to the persons whom he had 
appointed to carry it into execution. After some unsuccessful 
attempts of the Inca to make his escape, Ferdinand Pizarro hap- 
pening at that time to arrive in Cuzco, he obtained permission 
of him to attend a great festival which was to be celebrated a 
few leagues from the capital. Under pretext of that solemnity, 
the chiefs of the empire were assembled. No sooner had the 
Inca joined them, than the standard of war was erected, and in 
a short time all the fighting men from Quito to Chili were in 
arms. Many Spaniards, living securely on the settlements al- 
lotted them, were massacred ; and several small detachments, as 
they marched carelessly through the country were entirely 
cut off. 

654. An army amounting, according to the Spanish histo- 
rians, to two hundred thousand men, attacked Cuzco, which the 
three brothers attempted to defend, with only one hundred and 
seventy Spaniards. Another numerous body invested Lima, 
and kept the governor closely shut up. The communication 
between the two cities was cut off; the very great forces of the 
Peruvians spreading over the country, interrupted every mes- 
senger : which kept the two parties in Cuzco and Lima igno- 
rant of the fate of each other. 

655. At Cuzco, where the Inca commanded in person, they 
made the greatest effort. During nine months they carried on 
the siege with incessant ardor, and in various forms ; and though 
they displayed not the undaunted ferocity of the Mexican war- 
riors, they conducted their operations with sagacity. They 
endeavored to imitate the Spaniards in their discipline, and use 
of their arms, which they had taken from those they had slain. 
Their bravest warriors were armed with spears, swords, and 
bucklers : some appeared in the field with Spanish muskets, and 
had acquired skill and resolution enough to use them. 

656. The Inca, and a few of the boldest, were mounted on 
horses, like Spanish cavaliers, with their lances. In spite of 



AMERICA. 163 

the valor, heightened by despair, with which the three brothers 
defended Cuzco, Manco Capac recovered possession of one half 
of his capital ; and before the Spaniards could drive him out 
of it, they lost Juan Pizarro, the best beloved of all the bro- - 
thers, together with some persons of note. Exhausted by 
fatigue, distressed with want of provisions, and despairing any 
longer of being able to resist an enemy, whose num.bers daily 
increased, the soldiers became impatient to abandon Cuzco, in 
hopes of joining their countrymen, or of forcing their way to 
the sea, and finding some means of escaping from a country 
which had been so fatal to the Spanish name. 

657. At this critical moment Almagro appeared suddenly in 
the neighborhood of Cuzco. By the same messenger who 
brought him the intelligence of the Inca's revolt, he received 
the royal patent creating him governor of Chili, and defining 
the limits of his jurisdiction. Upon considering the tenor of it, 
he concluded it was manifest beyond contradiction, that Cuzco 
lay within the boundaries of his jurisdiction. He was therefore 
equally desirous to prevent the Peruvians from recovering pos- 
session of their capital, and wrest it out of the hands of the 
Pizarros. 

658. Almagro, unacquainted with events which had happened 
in his absence, and solicitous of gaining every intelligence ne- 
cessary, advanced towards the capital, with great circumspec- 
tion. Various negotiations with both parties were set on foot. 
The Inca endeavored to gain the friendship of Almagro, but 
despairing of any cordial union with a Spaniard, after many 
fruitless attempts to accomplish it, he attacked him by surprise 
Avith a numerous body of chosen troops. These were repulsed 
with great slaughter, a great part of their army dispersed, and 
Almagro marched to the gates of Cuzco without interruption. 
The Pizarros had rendered themselves odious by their harsh 
domineering manners, while the generous, open, affable temper 
of Almagro gained him many adherents of the Pizarros. 

659. Encouraged by this defection, he advanced towards the 
city by night, surprised the sentinels, or was admiittcd by them, 
and immediately invested the house where the two brothers re- 
sided, and compelled them, after an obstinate resistance, to sur- 
render at discretion. Almagro's claim of jurisdiction over 
Cuzco was universally acknowledged, and a form of adminis- 
tration established in his name. In this conflict only two or 
three persons were killed, but it was soon followed with scenes 
more bloody. 

660. Francis Pizarro having dispersed the Peruvians who 



164 HISTORY OF 

had invested Lima, and receiving some considerable reinforce- 
ments from Hispaniola and Nicaragua, ordered five hundred 
men, under the command of Alonzo de Alvarado, to march to 
Cuzco, and reheve his brothers. This body advanced near to 
the capital, before they knew that they had an enemy more for- 
midable than Indians to encounter. They were astonished 
when they beheld their countrymen posted on the banks of the 
river Abancay to oppose their progress. 

661. Almagro wished rather to gain, than conquer them, and 
endeavored by bribes and promises to seduce their leader. The 
fidelity of Alvarado was not to be shaken, but his talents for 
war were not equal to his integrity. Almagro amused him with 
various movements, the meaning of which he could not com- 
prehend, while a large detachment of chosen soldiers passed the 
river in the night, surprised his camp, and took him prisoner, 
together with his principal officers, after having routed his 
troops before they had time to form. 

662. Had Almagro known as well how to improve as to gain 
a victory, this event must have been decisive. Roderic Orgog- 
nez, an officer of great abilities, who had served under the Con- 
stable Bourbon, when he led the imperial army to Rome, and 
had been accustomed to bold and decisive counsels, advised him 
instantly to issue orders for putting to death Ferdinand and Gon- 
zalo Pizarro, Alvarado, and a few other persons whom he could 
not hope to gain, and to march directly to Lima, before the 
governor had time to prepare for his defence. But Almagro, 
although he saw at once the utility of this counsel, would not 
suffer himself to be influenced by sentiments like those of a sol- 
dier of fortune, grown old in service, or the chief of a party 
who had drawn his sword in a civil war. 

663. Feelings of humanity restrained him from shedding the 
blood of his opponents ; he dreaded the idea of being a rebel by 
entering a province which the king had allotted to another. As 
he was solicitous that his rival should be considered the aggres- 
sor, he marched back to Cuzco to wait his approach. Pizarro, 
whose spirit had remained unshaken under the rudest shock of 
adversity, was almost overwhelmed with such a tide of misfor- 
tune as now suddenly poured in upon him : but he was pre- 
served from sinking under it, by the necessity of attending to 
his own safety, and the desire of revenge : he took measures 
for both, with his usual sagacity. 

664. The command which he had of the sea-coast, by which 
he was enabled to receive supplies both of men and military 
stores, gave him an advantage which his rival could not expect. 



AMERICA. 165 

As it was liis interest to gain time, he had recourse to arts, which 
he had before practised with success, and Almagro was weak 
enough to be amused with a prospect of terminating their dif- 
ferences, by some amicable accommodation. Pizarro, by vary- 
ing his proposals, and changing his ground, when it suited his 
purpose, protracted the negociations for several months, in which 
time, Gonzalo Pizarro and Alvarado found means to corrupt 
the guard of soldiers to whose care they were intrusted, and not 
only escaped themselves, but persuaded sixty of the men who 
had guarded them, to accompany them in their flight. 

665. One of the brothers being now at liberty, the governor 
by another act of perfidy procured the release of the other. He 
proposed that every point in controversy should be submitted to 
their sovereign ; that until his decision was knovv^n, each should 
possess whatever part of the country he now occupied ; that 
Ferdinand Pizarro should be set at liberty, and return instantly 
to Spain, together with the officers w^hom Almagro proposed to 
send thither, to justify his claims. Notwithstanding the design 
of this artifice was so obvious, and the insincerity of the gov- 
ernor had been so often experienced, yet did Almagro, with 
credulity approaching to infuiuatlonj Conclude an agreement on 
these terms. 

666. No sooner had Ferdinand Pizarro recovered his liberty, 
than the governor threw off the mask ; the treaty was forgot- 
ten, pacific and conciliatory measures were no more mentioned ; 
he openly declared that in the field, and not in the cabinet, by 
arms, and not by negotiation, was their difference to be ad- 
justed ; that it must now be determined who must be master of 
Peru. 

667. His preparations were so rapid, that seven hundred 
men were soon ready to march towards Cuzco. The command 
of these was given to his two brothers, who were urged on by 
the desire of vengeance, and that rancorous enmity flowing 
from family rivalship ; they attempted in vain to march across 
the mountains, in the direct road from Lima to Cuzco, but were 
forced to alter their route by a march towards the south, along 
the coast as far as Nasca ; and then turning to the left, pene- 
trated through the defiles in that branch of the Andes which 
lay between them and the capital. 

668. Almagro, instead of defending those difficult passes, 
waited the approach of the enemy in the plain of Cuzco. He 
was induced to take this resolution for two reasons : his follow- 
ers amounted only to five hundred men, and he was afraid of 
weakening such a feeble body, by sending any detachment to- 



166 HISTORY OF 

wards the mountains. His cavalry far exceeded those of the 
enemy, both in number and disciphne, and it was only in an 
open country that he could avail himself of that advantage. 

669. The Pizarros, after surmounting the difficulties and ob- 
structions which arose in their march through the desert, and 
horrid regions which lay in their road to Cuzco, at length ap- 
peared in the plain, where Almagro's forces were drawn up 
ready to receive them. Though the countrymen and subjects 
of the same sovereign, and each with the royal standard dis- 
played ; and though they beheld the surrounding mountains, 
covered with a vast number of Indians, assembled to enjoy the 
spectacle of their mutual carnage, and prepared to attack the 
successful party ; so fell and implacable was their rancor, that 
not one pacific counsel, not a single proposition from either party 
towards an accommodation was offered. 

670. Almagro was so worn out with the fatigues of service, 
to which his advanced age was unequal, that, at this important 
crisis, he could not exert his usual activity, and was obliged 
to commit the leading of his troops to Orgognez, who, though 
an officer of great merit, possessed not that ascendency over 
the spirit and affections of the soldiers, as ihc ohiof whom they 
had been so long accustomed to follow and revere. 

671. The conflict was fierce, and maintained by each party 
with equal courage ; on the side of Almagro were more vete- 
ran soldiers, and a larger proportion of cavalry; but these 
were counterbalanced by Pizarro's superiority in numbers, and 
by two companies of well-disciplined musketeers, which the 
emperor had sent from Spain, on account of the insurrection 
of the Indians. This small band of soldiers, regularly trained 
and armed, decided the fate of the day. Wherever it advanced, 
horse and foot were borne down before it ; Orgognez, while he 
endeavored to rally and animate the troops, having received a 
dangerous wound, the rout became general. 

672. The barbarity of the conquerors disgraced the glory 
of their victory. The violence of civil rage hurried on some 
to slaughter their countrymen with indiscriminate cruelty; 
others were singled out by the meanness of private revenge, 
as the objects of their vengeance. Orgognez, and several offi- 
cers, were massacred in cold blood ; above one hundred and 
forty fell in the field. 

673. Almagro, though so leeble that he could not bear the 
motion of a horse, was carried in a litter to an eminence, which 
overlooked the field of battle. From thence, in the utmost agi- 



AMERICA. 167 

tatlon of mind, he viewed the various movements of both par- 
ties, and at last beheld the total defeat of his own troops, with 
all the passionate indignation of a commander long accustomed 
to victory. He endeavored to save himself by flight, but was ta- 
ken prisoner on the 26th of April, 1538, and guarded with the 
strictest vigilance. 

674. The Indians, instead of executing the resolution which 
they had formed, retired quietly after the battle was over, a 
convincing evidence of that ascendency the Spaniards had ac- 
quired over them ; for they had not courage to fall upon their 
enemies when one party was ruined and dispersed, and they 
so weakened and fatigued that they might have been attacked 
to advantage. 

675. The victorious troops found considerable booty in 
Cuzco ; consisting partly of the gleanings of the Indian trea- 
sures, and partly of the wealth amassed by their antagonists 
from the spoils of Chili and Peru. But so far did this, and 
whatever the liberality of Ferdinand Pizarro, could add to it, 
fall below their ideas of the recompense which they conceived 
due to their merit, that, unable to gratify such extravagant ex- 
pectations, he had recourse to the same expedient which his 
brother had employed on a similar occasion. 

676. With this view, he encouraged his most active officers 
to discover and reduce various provinces which had not hitherto 
submitted to the Spaniards. Volunteers resorted to the stand- 
ard, erected upon this occasion, with the ardor of hope peculiar 
to the age. Several of Almagro's soldiers joined them, and 
thus w^as Pizarro delivered from the importunity of his discon- 
tented friends, and the dread of his ancient enemies. The 
death of Almagro had been determined from the moment the 
Pizarros had him in their power ; but they were constrained to 
defer gratifying their vengeance, until the soldiers who had 
served under him, as well as some of their own followers, on 
whom they could not perfectly rely, had left Cuzco. 

677. As soon as they had set out on their different expedi- 
tions, Almagro was impeached of treason, formally tried, and 
condemned to die. Though he had often braved death with an 
undaunted spirit in the field, the sentence astonished him : the 
approach of death under this ignominious form, appalled him 
so much, that he had recourse to abject supplications unworthy 
of his former fame. He called upon the Pizarros to remember 
the ancient friendship between their brother and him, and how 
much he had contributed to the success and prosperity of their 
family ; he reminded them of the humanity with which, in op- 



168 HISTORY OF 

position to the repeated remonstrances of his own most at- 
tached friends, he had spared their Uves when they were in his 
power ; he conjured them to pity his age and infirmities, and 
to suffer him to pass the remainder of his days in bewailing his 
crimes, and in making his peace with heaven. 

678. The entreaties of a man so much beloved, touched 
many an unfeeling heart, and drew tears from many a stern 
eye. But the Pizarros remained inflexible. As soon as Al- 
magro knew his fate to be inevitable, he met it with the dignity 
and fortitude of a veteran. He was strangled in prison, and 
afterwards publicly beheaded. He suffered in the seventy-fifth 
year of his age, and left one son by an Indian woman of Pa- 
nama, whom, though a prisoner at that time in Lima, he named 
as successor to his government, pursuant to a power which the 
emperor had granted him. 

679. During the civil dissensions in Peru, all intercourse 
with Spain was suspended ; the account of the transactions 

>' there, unfortunately for the victorious party, was carried thither 
by some of Almagro's officers, who had left the country upon 
.the ruin of their cause ; and they related what had happened, 
.with every circumstance unfavorable to Pizarro and his bro- 
thers. Their ambition, their breach of the most solemn engage- 
iiients, their violence and cruelly, were painted with all the 
malignity of party spirit. 

680. Ferdinand Pizarro, who arrived soon after, and ap- 
4^eared in court with extraordinary splendor, endeavored to ef- 
face the impression which their accusations had made, and to 
justify himself by representing Almagro as the aggressor. The 
emperor and his ministers clearly saw the fatal tendency of 
such dissensions, and they saw no way more likely to restore 
order, than by sending a person with extensive and discre- 
tionary pov/ers, who, after viewing deliberately the posture of 
affairs, and inquiring on the spot into the conduct of the dif- 
ferent leaders, should be authorized to establish such form of 
government, as would be most conducive to the interest of the 
l)arent state, and the welfare of the colony. 

. 681. Christoval Vaca de Castro, a judge of the royal audi- 
ence at Yalladolid, was the man selected for this purpose, whoso 
integrity, abihties, and firmness justified the choice. He had 
power to take upon him different characters. If he found the 
governor still alive, he was to assume only the title of judge, 
to maintain the appearance of acting only in concert with him, 
and to guard against giving any just cause of offence to a man 
who had merited so highly of his country : but if Pizarro was 



AMERICA. 169 

dead, he was intrusted with a commission he might then pro- 
duce, by which he was appointed his successor in the govern- 
ment of Peru. 

682. This attention to Pizarro seems to have flowed rather 
from a dread of his power, than from any approbation of his 
measures ; for at the very time the court seemed so cautious 
of irritating him, his brother Ferdinand was arrested at Mad- 
rid, and confined in prison, for twenty years. 

683. While Vaca de Castro was making preparations for his 
voyage, events of great moment happened in Peru. Upon the 
death of Almagro, the governor considered himself the unri- 
valled possessor of that vast empire, and proceeded to parcel it 
out among his own partisans, to the total exclusion of the fol- 
lowers of Almagro ; amongst whom were many of the original 
adventurers, to whose valor and perseverance Pizarro was in- 
debted for his success : these murmured in secret, and medi- 
tated revenge : great numbers of them resorted to Lima, where 
the house of young Almagro was open to them, and the slen- 
der portion of his father's fortune, which the governor permit- 
ted him to enjoy, was spent in affording them subsistence. 

684. The warm attachment of every person who had served 
under the elder Almagro, was quickly transferred to the son. 
When he had grown up to the age of manhood, he possessed 
all those qualities which captivate the affections of soldiers. 
He was bold, open, generous, of a graceful appearance, dex- 
terous at all martial exercises, he seemed formed for command. 
His father had been extremely attentive to have him instructed 
in every science becoming a gentleman ; the accomplishments 
he had acquired, increased the respect of his partisans, who 
were ready to undertake any thing for his advancement ; they 
began to deliberate how they might be avenged on the author 
of their misery. 

685. Their frequent cabals did not pass unobserved; and 
the governor was warned to be on his guard against men who 
meditated some desperate deed, and had resolution to execute 
it. It was either from the native intrepidity of his mind, or 
from contempt of persons whose poverty rendered their machi- 
nations of httle consequence, that he replied, " Be not afraid 
about my life ; it is perfectly safe, as long as every man in 
Peru knows that I can in a moment put him to death, who 
dares to harbor a thought against it." This security gave the 
Almagrians full leisure to digest and bring to maturity every 
part of their scheme ; and Juan de Herrada, an officer of great 
abilities, who had the charge of Almagro's education, took the 

P 



170 HISTORY OF 

lead in their consultations, with all the zeal that connexion in- 
spired, and with all the authority which the ascendency he had 
over the mind of his pupil gave him. 

686. On Sunday, the twenty-sixth of June, 1541, at mid-day, 
the season of tranquillity and repose in all sultry climates, Her- 
rada, at the head of eighteen of the most determined conspira- 
tors, sallied out of Almagro's house, in complete armor, and 
drawing their swords, as they advanced hastily towards the 
governor's palace, cried out, " Long live the king ! but let the 
tyrant die !" Their associates, warned of their motions by a sig- 
nal, were in arms at different stations, ready to support them. 

687. Though Pizarro was usually surrounded by such a 
numerous train of attendants as suited the magnificence of the 
most opulent subject of the age in which he lived ; yet, as he 
was just risen from table, and most of his own domestics had 
retired to their own apartments, the conspirators passed through 
the two outer courts of the palace unobserved. They were at 
the bottom of the stair-case, before a page in waiting could give 
the alarm to his master, who was conversing with a few friends 
in a large hall. 

688. The governor, whose steady mind no form of danger 
could appal, starting up, called for arms, and commanded Fran- 
cis de Chaves to make fast the door. But that officer did not 
retain so much presence of mind as to obey his prudent order ; 
running to the top of the stair-case, he asked the conspirators 
" what they meant, and whither they were going?" Instead of 
answering, they stabbed him to the heart, and burst into the 
hall. Some of the persons who were there, in a fright, threw 
themselves from the windows ; others attempted to escape ; and 
a few, drawing their swords, followed their leader to an inner 
apartment. 

689. The conspirators having the object of their vengeance 
now in view, rushed forwards. Pizarro, with no other arms 
than his sword and buckler, defended the entry, and supported 
by his half-brother Alcantara and a few friends, maintained the 
unequal contest with an intrepidity worthy his former exploits, 
and with the vigor of a youthful combatant : " Courage," cried 
he, " we are yet formidable enough to make these traitors re- 
pent their audacity." But the armor of the conspirators pro- 
tected them, while every thrust they made took effect. 

690. Alcantara fell dead at his brother's feet ; his other de- 
fenders were mortally wounded. The governor, so weary that 
he could not wield his sword, and no longer able to parry the 
many weapons furiously aimed at him, received a deadly thrust 



AMERICA. 171 

full in his throat, sunk to the ground and expired. As soon as 
he was slain, the assassins ran into the streets waving their 
bloody swords, and proclaiming the death of the tyrant. About 
two hundred of the associates having joined them, they con- 
ducted young Almagro in solemn procession through the city, 
and assembling the magistrates and principal citizens, compelled 
them to acknowledge him as lawful successor to his father in 
the government. 

691. The palace of Pizarro, together with the houses of 
several of his adherents, were pillaged by the soldiers, \yho had 
at once the satisfaction of being avenged on their enemies, and 
of enriching themselves by the spoils of those through whose 
hands all the wealth of Peru had passed. 

692. The popular qualities of Almagro and the success of 
the conspiracy drew many soldiers to his standard, who declared 
without hesitation in his favor. Almagro was soon at the head 
of eight hundred of the most gallant veterans of Peru. He 
appointed Herrada as general. Notwithstanding'this favorable 
turn of fortune, the acquiescence in his government was far 
from being general. Pizarro had left many friends to whom 
his memory wae rlAnr ', tho tarbarouo aaaassiiiutioii of a man to 
wnom his country was much indebted, filled every impartial 
person with horror ; and by others he was considered as an 
usurper ; the officers who commanded in some provinces, re- 
fused to recognize his authority until it was confirmed by the 
emperor. In others, particularly at Cuzco, the royal standard 
was erected, and preparations made to revenge the murder of 
their ancient leader. 

693. Those seeds of discord acquired greater vigor when 
the arrival of Vaca de Castro was known. Afler a long voy- 
age, he put into a small harbor in the province of Popayan, in 
the year 1541, from thence he proceeded by a difficult and 
tedious route to Quito. In his way he received an account of 
Pizarro's death, and of the events following it. He imme- 
diately produced the royal commission appointing him governor 
of Peru. His jurisdiction was acknowledged by Benalcazar, 
lieutenant-general for the emperor in Popayan, and by Pedro 
de Puelles, who, in the absence of Gonzalo Pizarro, commanded 
the troops in Quito ; who had himself gone upon a fruitless 
expedition to the east of the Andes, where he and his followers 
suffered incredible hardships. 

694. Vaca de Castro not only assumed the supreme author- 
ity, but showed that he possessed talents equal to the exigency 
of the momentous trust committed to him. By his influence 



172 HISTORY OF 

and address, he soon assembled a body of troops that set him 
above all fear of insult from the adverse party, and enabled him 
to advance from Quito with the dignity that became his char- 
acter. 

695. Almagro observed the rapid progress of the spirit of 
disaffection to his cause ; and that he might give an effectual 
check to it before the arrival of Vaca de Castro, he set out at 
the head of his troops for Cuzco, where the most considerable 
body of troops had erected the royal standard under the com- 
mand of Pedro Alvarez Holguin. During his march thither, 
Herrada, the skilful guide of his youth, died ; and from that 
time his measures were conspicuous for violence, and want of 
sagacity. Holguin, with far inferior forces, was descending to 
the coast, at the very time that Almagro was on his way to 
Cuzco. By a very simple stratagem he deceived his unexpe- 
rienced adversary, avoided an engagement, and effected a junc- 
tion with Alvarado, an officer who had been the first to declare 
against Almagro as an usurper. 

696. Soon after, Vaca de Castro entered the camp with the 
troops which he had brought from Quito, and erected the royal 
standard before liis own tent ; he declared himself as governor ; 
that he would discharge all the functions of general or iLc com 
bined forces ; and although he had not been brought up to the 
profession, he displayed the abilities and decision of an officer 
accustomed to command. As his strength was superior to that 
of the enemy, he was impatient to end by a battle the contest 
which appeared unavoidable. Almagro and his followers, de- 
spairing of pardon for a crime so atrocious as the murder of 
Pizarro, the governor, were not inclined to shun that mode of 
decision. 

697. They met, September the sixteenth, 1542, at Chupaz, 
about two hundred miles from Cuzco. The violence of civil 
rage, the rancor of private enmity, the eagerness of revenge, 
and the last efforts of despair, inspired them with such courage, 
that victory remained for a long time doubtful ; but at last de- 
clared for Vaca de Castro. The martial talents of Francis de 
Carvajal, a veteran officer, and the intrepidity of Vaca de Cas- 
tro, triumphed over the bravery of their -opponents, led on by 
young Almagro, with a gallant spirit, worthy of a nobler cause, 
and deserving a better fate. 

698. Many of the vanquished, who had been accessory to 
the assassination of Pizarro, rather than wait an ignominious 
doom, rushed on the swords of the enemy, and fell like soldiers. 
Of fourteen hundred men, the amount of combatants on both 



AMERICA. 173 

sides, five hundred lay dead on the field ; and the number of 
wounded was still greater. Vaca de Castro proceeded imme- 
diately to try his prisoners as rebels. Forty were condemned 
to suffer death as traitors, others were banished firom Peru. 
Their leader, who made his escape from the battle, betrayed by 
some of his officers, was publicly beheaded at Cuzco ; and in 
him the name of Almagro, and the spirit of his party, became 
extinct. 

699. During these violent commotions in Peru, the emperor 
and his ministers were employed in preparing regulations by 
which they hoped to restore tranquillity, and a more perfect 
system of internal policy, into all their settlements in the New 
World. To prevent the extinction of the Indian race, called 
for immediate remedy ; fortunately for them, Bartholomew de 
las Casas happened to be then at Madrid, on a mission from a 
chapter of his order at Chiapa. His zeal in behalf of this un- 
fortunate people, was so far from abating, that, from an in- 
creased knowledge of their sufferings, his ardor had augmented. 
He eagerly seized this opportunity of reviving his favorite 
maxims concerning the treatment of the Indians. 

700. With that moving eloquence, natural to a man on whose 
mind the scenes which he had beheld, had made a deep impres- 
sion, he described the irreparable waste of the human species 
in the New World ; the Indian race almost totally swept away 
in the islands in less than fifty years, and hastening to extinc- 
tion on the continent with the same rapidity. With a decisive 
tone, he imputed all this to the exactions and cruelty of his 
countrymen, and positively insisted that nothing could prevent 
the depopulation of America, but declaring the natives free- 
men, and treating them as such. Not content with thus ver- 
bally asserting the rights of this oppressed people, he published 
a celebrated treatise, in which he related the horrid cruelties of 
his countrymen. 

701. The emperor was deeply affected with the recital of so 
many actions shocking to humanity. To relieve the Indians, 
as well as to circumscribe the power of his own subjects in the 
New World, he framed a body of laws, containing many salu- 
tary appointments with respect to the constitution and powers 
of the supreme council of the Indies, and the administration of 
justice, both ecclesiastical and civil. 

702. These were approved by all ranks of men : but, with 
them were issued the following regulations, which excited uni- 
versal alarm. " That as the repartimientos, or shares of land," 
seized bv several persons, appeared to be excessive, the royal 

P2 



174 HISTORY OF 

audiences were empowered to reduce them to a moderate ex- 
tent : that upon the death of any conqueror or planter, the 
lands and Indians granted to him shall not descend to his widow 
or children, but return to the crown : that the Indians shall 
henceforth be exempted from personal service, and shall not be 
compelled to carry the baggage of travellers, to labor in the 
mines, or dive in the pearl fisheries : that all persons who are 
or have been in public offices, ecclesiastics of every denomina- 
tion, hospitals, and monasteries, shall be deprived of the lands 
and Indians allotted to them ; these lands and Indians shall be 
annexed to the crown : that every person in Peru, who had any 
criminal concern in the contests between Pizarro and Almagro, 
should forfeit his lands and Indians." All the Spanish minis- 
ters who had hitherto been intrusted with the direction of Ameri- 
can affairs, opposed these regulations. But Charles, tenacious at 
all times of his own opinions, persisted in his resolution of pub- 
lishing the laws. 

703. That they might be carried into execution with greater 
vigor and authority, he authorized Francis T. de Sandoval 
to repair to Mexico as visitador, or superintendent of that coun- 
try ; and to co-operate with Antonio de Mendoza, the viceroy, 
in enforcing them. He appointed Blasco Nugnez Vela to be 
governor of Peru, with the title of viceroy ; and to strengthen 
his administration, he established a court of audience at Lima, 
in which four eminent lawyers were to preside as judges. 

704. The viceroy and superintendent sailed at the same 
time. An account of the new laws they were to enforce, had 
reached America before their arrival. The entry of Sandoval 
into Mexico was considered as the prelude of general ruin. 
Under the prudent administration of Mendoza, the people of 
New Spain had become accustomed to the restraints of law 
and authority. Happily for them, Mendoza, by long residence 
in the country, was so well acquainted with its state, that he 
knew what was for its interest, as well as what the people could 
bear ; and Sandoval displayed a degree of moderation unex- 
pected from a person entering upon the exercise of power. 

705. They were disposed to grant every indulgence to the 
inhabitants that was in their power. In compliance with their 
request, they suspended for some time the execution of what 
was offensive in the new laws ; they also consented that a depu- 
tation of citizens should be sent to Europe, to lay before the 
emperor the apprehensions of his subjects in New Spain, with 
respect to their tendency and effects ; and concurred with them 
in supporting their sentiments. 



AMERICA. 175 

706. Charles, moved by the opinion of men, whose abilities 
and integrity were unquestionable, granted such a relaxation 
of the rigor of the laws, as re-established the colony in its for- 
mer tranquillity. In Peru, the storm wore an aspect more 
fierce and threatening. As the account of the new laws spread 
through the different settlements, the inhabitants ran together ; 
the women in tears, and the men exclaiming against the injus- 
tice and ingratitude of their sovereign, in depriving them, un- 
heard and unconvicted, of their possessions. 

707. " Is this," cried they, " the recompense due to persons, 
who, without public aid, at their own expense, and by their own 
valor, had subjected to the crown of Castile territories of such 
vast extent and opulence ? Shall the conquerors of this great 
empire, instead of receiving marks of distinction, be deprived 
of the natural consolation of providing for their widows and 
children, and leave them to depend for subsistence on the scanty 
supply they can extort from unfeeling courtiers ? Although we 
are not now able to explore unknown regions, in quest of more 
secure settlements, yet we still possess vigor sufficient to assert 
our just rights ; and we will not tamely suffer them to be wrested 
from us." Consultations were held in different places, planning 
how they might oppose the entrance of the viceroy and judges ; 
and prevent not only the execution, but the promulgation, of 
the laws. 

708. Vaca de Castro had the address to divert them from 
their purpose ; he flattered them with hopes, that when the vice- 
roy and judges should arrive, and had leisure to examine their 
petitions and remonstrances, they would concur with them 
in endeavoring to procure some mitigation in the rigor of the 
laws, which had been framed without due attention to the state 
of the country, or the sentiments of the people. Of all the 
qualities that fit men for high . command, the viceroy possessed 
only integrity and courage : the former harsh and uncomply- 
ing, the latter bordering so frequently on rashness and ob- 
stinacy, that in his situation, they were defects rather than 
virtues. 

709. When he landed, he seemed to have considered him- 
self merely as an executive officer, without any discretionary 
power. Regardless of what he heard of the state of the coun- 
try, he adhered to the letter of the regulations with unrelenting 
rigor. Through all the towns which he passed, he declared the 
natives free. Every person in public office was deprived of 
his lands and servants ; and, as an example of obedience, he 



176 HISTORY OF 

would not suffer an Indian to carry any part of his baggage in 
his march from Tumbez to Lima. 

710. Wherever he approached, amazement and consterna- 
tion went before him. On entering the capital, he openly 
avowed, " that he came to obey the orders of his sovereign : 
not to dispense with the laws." This harsh declaration was 
accompanied with a haughty deportment, and an insolence of 
office, which rendered him odious to the people. Several per- 
sons of rank were confined, and some put to death, without a 
trial. 

711. Vaca de Castro was arrested, and notwithstanding the 
dignity of his former rank, and his merit in having prevented 
a general insurrection of the colony, he was loaded with chains, 
and shut up in the common jail. From the time the purport 
of the new regulations was known, every Spaniard in Peru 
turned his eyes towards Gonzalo Pizarro, as the only person 
able to avert the ruin with which they were threatened. From 
all quarters letters and addresses were sent to him, conjuring 
him to stand forth as their protector, offering to support him in 
the attempt with their lives and fortunes. 

712. Gonzalo, though he wanted the talents of his brothers, 
was equally as ambitious, and of courage as daring. The 
behavior of an ungrateful court towards his brothers and him- 
self, dwelt continually on his mind. Ferdinand a state prisoner 
in Europe, the children of the governor in custody of the vice- 
roy, and sent on board the fleet, himself reduced to the con- 
dition of a private citizen, in a country, for the discovery and 
conquest of which Spain was indebted to his femily. These 
thoughts prompted him to seek for vengeance, and assert the 
rights of his family, of which he now considered himself the 
guardian and heir. 

713. But the veneration which every Spaniard had for his 
sovereign, made him shudder at the thoughts of marching in 
arms against the royal standard. He hesitated long, and was 
still unresolved : when the violence of the viceroy, the universal 
call of his countrymen, and the certainty of soon becoming a 
victim to the severity of the new laws, moved him to quit his 
residence at Chuquisaca de la Plata, and repair to Cuzco. All the 
inhabitants went out to meet him, and received him with trans- 
ports of joy, as the deliverer of the colony. 

714. in the fervor of their zeal they elected him procurator- 
general of the Spanish nation in Peru, to solicit the repeal of 
the late regulations ; they also commissioned him to lay before 
the royal audience in Lima their remonstrances, and, upon pre- 



AMERICA. -177 

text of danger from the Indians, authorized him to march thither 
in arms. Under sanction of this nomination, Pizarro took pos- 
session of the royal treasury, appointed officers, levied soldiers, 
seized a large train of artillery which Vaca de Castro had de- 
posited in Guamanga, and set out for Lima as if he had been 
advancing against a public enemy. 

715. Disaffection having assumed a regular form, many per- 
sons of note resorted to Pizarro's standard ; and a considera- 
ble body of troops which the viceroy had raised to oppose his 
progress, deserted. The violence of the viceroy's adminis- 
tration, and his overbearing haughtiness, had become so odious 
to his associates, the judges of the royal audience, as well as to 
the people, that the judges thwarted every measure he proposed : 
and set at liberty the prisoners he confined ; justified the mal- 
contents, and applauded their remonstrances. The viceroy 
became at length so universally odious, that he was abandoned 
by his own guards, was seized in his palace, and carried to a 
desolate island on the coast, to be kept there until he should be 
sent home to Spain. This revolution took place while Pizarro 
was on his march to Lima. 

716. The judges having now assumed the supreme direction 

the obnoxious laws, and sent a message to Pizarro, requirino- 
him, as they had already granted whatever he could request, to 
dismiss his troops and repair to Lima with fifteen or twenty at- 
tendants. It was not expected that a man so daring and am- 
bitious would tamely comply with this requisition : but it was 
necessary to throw a decent veil over their conduct ; Cepeda, 
president of the court of audience, a pragmatical and aspiring 
lawyer, held a secret correspondence with Pizarro, and had 
already formed the plan, which he afterwards executed, of de- 
voting himself to his service. 

717. Pizarro now beheld the supreme power within his reach ; 
and Carvajal, the promoter and guide of all his actions, had 
long fixed his opinion, that it was the only end at which Pizarro 
ought to aim. He, accordingly, demanded to be made governor 
and captain-general of the whole province, and required the 
judges to grant him a commission to that effect. But the judges, 
from a desire of preserving some attention to appearances, 
hesitated about complying. 

718. Carvajal, impatient of delay, and impetuous in all his 
operations, marched into the city by night, seized several offi- 
cers of distinction, obnoxious to Pizarro, and hanged them with- 
out the formality of a trial. Next morning the court of audi- 



178 HISTORY OF 

ence issued a commission in the emperor's name, appointing Pi- 
zarro governor of Peru, with full powers civil as well as mili- 
tary ; and he entered the town that day with great pomp, to 
take possession of his new dignity. Pizarro had scarcely be- 
gun to exercise the new powers with which he was invested, 
when he beheld formidable enemies rise up to oppose him. 

719. The viceroy had been put on board a vessel by the 
judges, in order that he might be carried to Spain under custody 
of Juan Alvarez, one of their own number : this man, as soon 
as he was at sea, touched with remorse, or moved by fear, 
fell at the feet of his prisoner, declaring him from that moment 
to be free, and that he would himself^ and all persons in the 
ship, obey him as the legal representative of their sovereign. 
Nugnez Vela ordered them to steer to Tumbez, where he land- 
ed, erected the royal standard, and resumed his functions of 
viceroy. Several persons of note instantly avowed their reso- 
lution to support his authority. 

720. Alarmed with these appearances of hostility, Pizarro 
prepared to assert the authority to which he had attained, and 
marched against the viceroy, as the enemy who was nearest 
and most formidable. As he was master of the public rev- 
enues in Pen], and mo«t r>r tU.^ ^.n.-.— ^- . ..^.^ ^.^«^.l,v.a ^^ 
his family, his troops were so numerous, that the viceroy, un- 
able to face him, retreated towards Quito, and from thence to 
the province of Popayan, whither Pizarro followed him ; but 
finding it impossible to overtake him, he returned to Quito. 
From thence he dispatched Carvajal to oppose Centeno, a bold 
and active officer, who had cut off his lieutenant-governor, in 
the province of Charcas. Centeno declared for the viceroy : and 
Pizarro remained at Quito. 

721. Nugnez Vela, by his activity and the assistance of 
Benalcazar, assembled four hundred men in Popayan : with these 
he marched back to Quito, disdaining the advice of some of his 
followers, who endeavored to persuade him to send overtures 
of accommodation to Pizarro ; he declared that it was only by 
the sword, that a contest with rebels could be decided. 

722. Pizarro advanced resolutely to meet him. The battle 
was fierce and bloody ; but Pizarro's veterans pushed forwards 
with such regular and well directed force, that they soon began 
to make an impression on their enemies. The viceroy by great 
exertions, in which the abilities of a commander and courage 
of a soldier were equally displayed, held victory for some time 
in suspense. At length he fell, pierced with many wounds, and 



AMERICA. 179 

the rout of his soldiers became general. His head was cut off, 
and placed on the public gibbet in Quito. 

723. The troops assembled by Centeno, were dispersed soon 
after, by Carvajal, and he himself compelled to fly to the moun- 
tains, where he remained for several months, concealed in a 
cave. Every person in Peru submitted to Pizarro ; and by his 
fleet, under Pedro de Hinojosa, he had the unrivalled command 
of the South Sea : he had also possession of Panama, and placed 
a garrison in Nombre de Dios, on the opposite side of the isth- 
mus, which rendered him master of the usual avenue of com- 
munication between Spain and Peru. 

724. After this decisive victory, Pizarro and his followers 
remained for some time at Quito; and although they were 
transported with their victory, yet he and his confidants were 
obliged to turn their thoughts sometimes to what was serious, 
and deliberated with much solicitude, concerning the part he 
ought now to take. Carvajal had, from the beginning, warned 
Pizarro that in the career on which he was entering, it was in 
vain to think of holding a middle course ; that he must either 
boldly aim at all, or attempt nothing, 

725. Upon receiving an account of the victory at Quito, he 
remonstrated to him in a letter, and in a tone still more peremp- 
tory : " You have usurped," said he, " the supreme power in this 
country, in contempt of the emperor's commission to another. 
You have marched in hostile array, against the royal standard ; 
you have attacked the representative of your sovereign in the 
field, have defeated him, and cut off his head. Think not that 
a monarch will forgive such insults on his dignity ; or that any 
reconciliation with him can be cordial or sincere. Depend no 
longer on the precarious favor of another. Assume yourself 
the sovereignty over a country, to the dominion of which your 
family has a title, founded on the rights both of discovery and 
conquest. It is in your power to attach every Spaniard in Peru, 
of any consequence, inviolably to your interest, by liberal 
grants of land and Indians ; or by instituting ranks of nobility ; 
or creating titles of honor, similar to those which are courted 
with so much eagerness hi Europe. By establishing orders of 
knighthood, with privileges and distinctions like those in Spain, 
you may bestow a gratification upon the officers in your ser- 
vice, suited to the ideas of military men. Nor is it to your 
country only that you ought to attend ; endeavor to gain the 
natives. By marrying the Coya or daughter of the sun, next 
in succession to the crown, you will induce the Indians, out of 
veneration for the blood of their ancient princes, to unite with 



180 HISTORY OF 

the Spaniards in supporting your authority. Thus at the head 
of the principal inhabitants of Peru as well as the new settlers 
there, you may set at defiance the power of Spain, and repel 
with ease any feeble force which it can send against you at such 
a distance." 

726. Cepeda the lawyer, who was now Pizarro's confidential 
counsellor, warmly seconded Carvajal's exhortations. Pizarro 
listened attentively to both, and contemplated with pleasure the 
object they presented to his view. But happily for the tran- 
quillity of the world, few men possess that superior strength of 
mind, and extent of abilities, which are capable of forming and 
executing such daring schemes. The mediocrity of Pizarro's 
talents, circumscribed his ambition within more narrow limits. 
He confined his views to obtaining from the court of Spain, a 
confirmation of the authority which he now possessed ; and for 
that purpose he sent an officer of distinction thither, to represent 
his conduct in such a favorable light, as that the emperor might 
be induced to continue him in his present station. 

727. While Pizarro was deliberating with respect to the part 
he should take, consultations were held in Spain concerning the 
measures which ought to be pursued : the court had received 
intelligence of the insurrection against the viceroy ; of his im- 
prisonment, and Pizarro's usurpation. At first view, the actions 
of Pizarro and his party appeared so repugnant to the duty of 
subjects towards their sovereign, that the greater part of the 
ministers insisted on declaring them instantly guilty of rebellion, 
and on proceeding to punish them with rigor. But innumerable 
obstacles presented themselves. The strength and glory of the 
Spanish armies were then employed in Germany. To trans- 
port any respectable body of troops so remote as Peru, appear- 
ed almost impossible, as the treasury had been drained of money 
to support the emperor's war in Europe. 

728. Nothing therefore remained, but to attempt, by lenient 
measures, what could not be effected by force : — with this view 
they appointed Pedro de la Gasca, a priest and counsellor of 
the Inquisition, who had been employed by government in af- 
fairs of trust and confidence, and which he had conducted with 
ability and success ; displaying a gentle insinuating temper, 
accompanied with firmness and probity, superior to any feeling 
of private interest, and a cautious circumspection in concerting 
measures, followed by such vigor in executing them, as are rarely 
found united with each other. These qualities marked him out 
for the function for which he was destined, and the emperor 
warmly approved of the choice. He was invested with un- 



AMERICA. 181 

limited authority : and without money or troops, set out to quell 
a formidable rebellion. 

729. On his arrival at Nombre de Dios, July 27, he found 
Herman Mexia, an officer of note, posted there by order of Pi- 
zarro, with a considerable body of men, to oppose the landing 
of any hostile forces. But Gasca came in such pacific guise, 
with a train so little formidable, and with a title of no such dig- 
nity as to excite terror, that he was received with much re- 
spect ; for he assumed no higher title than that of president of 
the court of audience in Lima. 

730. From Nombre de Dios he advanced to Panama ; and 
%vas treated with the same respect by Hinojosa, whom Pizarro 
had intrusted with the government of that town, and the com- 
mand of the fleet stationed there. In both places he held the 
same language, declaring that he was sent by his sovereign as 
a messenger of peace, not as a minister of vengeance ; that he 
came to redress all grievances, to revoke the lav/s which had 
excited alarm, and to re-establish order and justice in Peru. 
His mild deportment, the simplicity of his manners, the sanc- 
tity of his profession, and a winning appearance of candor, 
gained credit to his declarations. Hinojosa, Mexia, and several 
other officers of distinction, were gained over to his interest, 
and waited only a decent pretext for declaring openly in his 
favor. 

731. This the violence of Pizarro soon gave them. Pie sent 
a new deputation to Spain, to justify his conduct, and to insist, 
in the name of all the communities in Peru, for a confirmation 
of the government to himself during his life. The persons in- 
trusted with this commission, intimated the intention of Pizarro 
to the president, and required him, in his name, to depart from 
Panama, and return to Spain. To Hinojosa they had secret 
instructions, directing him to offer Gasca fifty thousand dollars, 
if he would comply willingly with what was demanded of him ; 
and, if he should continue obstinate, to cut him off, either by 
assassination or poison. 

732. Hinojosa, amazed at Pizarro's precipitate resolution of 
setting himself in opposition to the emperor's commission, and 
disdaining to execute the crimes pointed out in his secret in- 
structions, publicly acknowledged the president as his only law- 
ful superior. The officers under his command did the same. 
Such was the contagious influence of the example, that it 
reached even the deputies who had been sent to Lima ; and, at 
the time when Pizarro expected to hear of Gasca's death, or 

Q 



182 HISTORY OF 

his return to Spain, he was informed that he was master of the 
fleet, of Panama, and of the troops stationed there. 

733. Provoked almost to madness by an event so unexpected, 
he openly declared war ; and to give some color of justice to 
his proceedings, he appointed the court of audience at Lima to 
try Gasca, for the crimes of having seized his ships, seduced 
his officers, and prevented his deputies from proceeding on their 
voyage to Spain. Cepeda did not scruple to prostitute his dig- 
nity as judge, by finding Gasca guilty of treason, and con- 
demned him to death on that account. Wild and ridiculous as 
this may appear, it was imposed on the low adventurers with 
which Peru was peopled, by the semblance of a legal sanction, 
warranting Pizarro to carry on hostilities against a convicted 
traitor. Soldiers accordingly resorted to his standard from 
every quarter, and he was soon at the head of a thousand men, 
the best equipped that had ever taken the field in Peru. 

734. Gasca, on his part, seeing that force must be employed, 
was assiduous in collecting troops from different places, and 
with such success, that he was soon in a condition to detach a 
squadron of his fleet, with a considerable body of soldiers, to 
the coast of Peru. Their appearance excited a dreadful alarm ; 
and though tbey did not for some time attempt to make any 
descent, yet they set ashore, at different places, persons with 
copies of the act of general indemnity, and the revocation of 
the late edicts ; and who made known everywhere the pacific 
intentions and mild temper of the president. 

735. The effect of spreading this information was wonder- 
ful. All who were dissatisfied with Pizarro, all who retained 
any sentiments of fidelity to their sovereign, meditated revolt. 
Some openly deserted a cause they considered now as unjust. 
Centeno left his cave, and having assembled about fifty of his 
former adherents almost without arms, entered Cuzco by night, 
and though it was defended by five hundred men, he rendered 
himself mastei' of that capital. Most of the garrison ranged 
themselves under his banners, and he had soon the command 
of a respectable body of troops. 

736. As the danger from Centeno's operations was the most 
urgent, Pizarro instantly set out to oppose him. Having pro- 
vided horses for his soldiers, his march was rapid. But every 
morning he found his force diminished by numbers who had 
left him during the night ; and though he became suspicious to 
excess, and punished, without mercy, all whom he suspected, 
the rage of desertion was too violent to be checked. Before he 
got within sight of the enemy at Huarina, near the lake Titi- 



AMERICA. 183 

caca, he could only muster four hundred men. But those he 
considered as soldiers of tried attachment, on whom he might 
depend. They were the boldest and most desperate of his fol- 
lowers, conscious, like himself, of crimes for which they could 
hardly expect forgiveness ; and without any other hope but the 
success of their arms. With these he did not hesitate to attack 
Centeno's troops, on the 20th of October, 1547, though double 
in number to his own. 

737. The royalists did not decline the combat. It was the most 
obstinate and bloody that had ever been fought in Peru. The 
intrepid valor and the superiority of Carvajal's military talents 
prevailed, and triumphing over numbers, a complete victory 
was gained. The booty was immense, and the treatment of 
the vanquished cruel. 

738. By this signal success, the reputation of Pizarro was 
re-established, and being now considered as invincible in the 
field, his army increased daily. But this victory was more 
than counterbalanced by events which happened in other parts 
of Peru. Pizarro had scarcely left Lima, when the citizens, 
weary of his oppressive dominion, erected the royal standard ; 
and Aldana, with a detachment of soldiers from the fleet, took 
possession of the town : at the same time Gasca landed at 
Tumbez with five hundred men ; as his numbers augmented 
fast, he advanced into the interior of the country. His behavior 
still continued to be gentle and unassuming ; he expressed on 
every occasion, his ardent wish of putting an end to the contest 
without bloodshed. He upbraided no man for past offences, 
but received them as a father receives his penitent children, 
returning to a sense of their duty. 

739. Having appointed the general rendezvous of his troops 
in the valley of Xauxa on the road to Cuzco, he remained there 
for some months, that he might have time to make another at- 
tempt towards an accommodation with Pizarro, and also that 
he might train his new soldiers to the use of arms, and accus- 
tom them to discipline, before he led them against a body of 
victorious troops. Pizarro, elated with success, and having now 
a thousand men under his command, refused to listen to any 
terms, although Cepeda, together with several officers, and 
Carvajal himself, gave it as their advice, to close with the presi- 
dent's offer, of a general indemnity, and the revocation of the 
obnoxious laws. 

740. Gasca having tried, in vain, every expedient to avoid 
embruing his hands in the blood of his countrymen, on the 
29th of December, advanced at the head of sixteen hundred 



194 HISTORY OF 

men, toward Cuzco. Pizarro, confident of victory, suffered 
the royalists to pass all the rivers vk^ithout opposition, and to 
advance within four leagues of the capital, flattering himself 
that a defeat in such a situation would render a retreat imprac- 
ticable, and at once terminate the war. He then marched out 
to meet the enemy. Carvajal chose his ground, and made a 
disposition of the troops, with the discerning eye, and profound 
knowledge of the art of war, which were conspicuous in all his 
operations. 

741 . As the two armies moved forward to the charge, on the 
9th of April, 1548, the appearance of each was singular. Pi- 
zarro's men enriched with the spoils of the most opulent coun- 
try in America ; every officer, and almost all the private men, 
were clothed in silk stuffs, or brocade embroidered with gold 
and silver ; and their horses, their arms, and standards, were 
adorned with all the pride of military pomp. That of Gasca, 
though not so splendid, exhibited what was no less striking. 
Himself, accompanied by the archbishop of Lima, the bishop 
of Quito, and Cuzco, and a great number of ecclesiastics, march- 
ing along the lines, blessing the men and encouraging them to 
a resolute discharge of their duty. 

742. When both were just ready to engage, Cepeda set spurs 
to his horse, galloped off, and surrendered himself to the presi- 
dent ; several other officers of note followed his example. The 
revolt of persons of such high rank struck all with amazement. 
Distrust and consternation spread from rank to ranlv ; some silent- 
ly slipped away, others threw down their arms ; but the greater 
number went over to the royalists. Carvajal, and some leaders, 
employed authority, threats, and entreaties, to stop them, but 
in vain ; in less than half an hour, a body of men, which might 
have decided the fate of the Peruvian empire, vvas totally dis- 
persed. Pizarro, seeing all lost, cried- out in amazement to a 
few officers, who still faithfully adhered to him, " What remains 
for us to do?" " Let us rush," replied one of them, " upon the 
enemy's firmest battalion, and die like Romans." 

743. Dejected with such reverse of fortune, he had not spirit 
to follow this soldierly counsel ; and with a tameness disgraceful 
to his former fame, he surrendered to one of Gasca's officers ,* 
Carvajal, endeavoring to escape, was overtaken and seized. 
Gasca, happy in this bloodless victory, did not stain it with 
cruelty. Pizarro, Carvajal, and a small number of the most 
notorious offenders, were punished capitally. Pizarro was be- 
headed the day after he surrendered, on the 10th of April, 1548. 
He submitted to his fate with a composed dignity, and seemed 



AMERICA. 185 

desirous to atone by repentance for the crimes which he had 
committed. 

744. The end of Carvajal was suitable to his Hfe. On his 
trial he offered no defence. When the sentence, adjudging him 
to be hanged, was pronounced, he carelessly replied, " One can 
die but once." In the interval between the sentence and execu- 
tion, he discovered no signs of remorse for the past, or solici- 
tude about the future, scoffing at all who visited him, in his 
usual sarcastic vein of mirth, with the same quickness of re- 
partee and pleasantry, as at any other period of his life. Ce- 
peda, more criminal than either, ought to have shared the same 
iate, but the merit of having deserted his associates at such a 
critical moment, and with such decisive effect, saved him from 
immediate punishment. He was sent as a prisoner to Spain, 
and died in confinement. Thus all met the just punishment of 
their dreadful crimes. 

745. On the death of Pizarro, the malcontents in every 
corner of Peru laid down their arms, and tranquillity seemed to 
be perfectly re-established. But two very interesting objects 
still remained to occupy the president's attention. The one was 
to find such employment for the multitude of turbulent and 
daring adventurers with which the country was filled, as 
might prevent them from exciting new commotions ; the other, 
to reward those, to whose loyalty and valor he was indebted for 
his success. 

746. The former of these he accomplished by appointing 
Pedro de Valdivia to prosecute the conquest of Chili ; and by 
empowering Diego Centeno to undertake the discovery of the 
vast regions bordering on the river de Plata : — the reputation 
of these leaders, and the hopes of bettering their condition, al- 
lured many desperate soldiers to follow their standard, and 
drained Peru of a large portion of those inflammable and mu- 
tinous spirits whom Gasca dreaded. The latter was an affair 
of great difficulty, the claimants being numerous. 

747. That he'might have leisure to weigh the comparative 
merits of their several claims, he retired with the archbishop of 
Lima to a village twelve leagues from Cuzco. There he spent 
several days, in allotting to the claimants a district of land and 
a number of Indians, in proportion to his idea of their past 
services. 

748. But that he might get beyond the reach of the fierce 
storm of clamor and rage which he foresaw would burst out on 
the publication of his decree, he set out from Lima, leaving ]the 
instrument of partition sealed up, with orders not to open it for 

Q2 



186 HISTORY OF 

some days after his departure. As he expected, so it happened, 
but by his prudent management the discontented were appeased, 
and order was estabhshed. 

749. Having now accomplished every object of his mission, 
Gasca longed to return to a private station. He committed the 
government of Peru to the court of audience, and set out for 
Spain, on the 4th of February, 1549, where he was received 
with universal applause. Men less enterprising and desperate, 
and more accustomed to move in the path of sober and peace- 
able industry, settled in Peru, and the royal authority was 
gradually established as firmly there, as in any of the other 
Spanish colonies. 

750. Notwithstanding the many reverses of fortune which 
the Peruvians had met with, their spirit of independence was 
not wholly subdued, for the Spanish viceroy, Toledo, was un- 
der the necessity of assembling an army in 1562, to make head 
against Tupac Amaru, the son of Manco Capac, who had taken 
refuge in the mountains. The Inca, being unable to resist 
successfully a regularly disciplined and numerous force, sur- 
rendered himself, with his wife and children, who were all car- 
ried prisoners to Cuzco. Tupac Amaru was brought to trial 
for supposed crimes, and sentenced to be beheaded, by persons 
who could assume no other control over his person, than what 
the laws of force and injustice claim over weakness. Previous 
to his execution, he was baptized in prison, thence led to the 
scaffold ; and thus, amidst the tears of the people, expired the 
last of the Peruvian emperors. At the sam.e time, all the sons 
of Indian women, by Spaniards, were put in confinement, on 
the charge of conspiring with Tupac Amaru to overthrow the 
Spanish government. Many of them were put to the torture, 
and others perished in exile, or in confinement. 

751. Toledo, the barbarous author of these cruelties, after 
amassing a large fortune, returned to Spain, where he fell un- 
der the royal displeasure. His property was confiscated ; his 
person confined, and he died of a broken heart. The royal au- 
thority was, after the death of Tupac Amaru, again established, 
and the general tranquillity has caused the history of the prov- 
ince to be barren of important incidents. During the 17th century, 
no event seems to have occurred worthy of commemoration. 
The year 1782 was marked by an insurrection of the Indians, 
under J. G. Condorcanqui, a descendant of Tupac Amaru, who 
assumed the same name. He had petitioned the Spanish court 
to restore to him the title of marquis of Oropesa, which had 
been granted to his ancestor, Sayu Tapac ; but finding his re- 



AMERICA. 187 

quest neglected, he retired to the mountains, and proclaiming 
himself Inca, the Indians flocked to his standard, and acknow- 
ledged his title with every mark of profound veneration and 
attachment. 

752. Having collected an immense army, he proclaimed 
vengeance against the European Spaniards, promising protec- 
tion to all born in America ; but his followers, mindful of the 
cruelties which had been perpetrated upon them, spared none 
but Indians. Success, at first, attended all the operations of 
the Indians, who made themselves masters of several provinces ; 
but, when the insurrection had continued about two years, 
Tupac Amaru was defeated and captured, with all his family : 
— a short time afterwards, they were all, except Diego, exe- 
cuted in the city of Cuzco, to the deep distress of the Indians, 
who thus beheld the end of the last of the children of the Sun. 
Diego, who had before made his escape, thought proper to sur- 
render himself, and was allowed to live for a while unmolested 
with his family : but on suspicion of being concerned in a re- 
volt that happened, some years afterwards, in Quito, he was 
tried and beheaded. 

753. Nothing memorable occurred from this period, till the 
invasion of Spain by Napoleon : — in the early part of that 
contest, the viceroyalty of Peru was less agitated by revolu- 
tionary movements than any other part of the continent. The 
party in favor of adherence to Old Spain was, for some time, 
strong enough to prevent any change of government, and more 
than once aided the royalists in other provinces. When juntas 
were established, in 1809, in the cities of La Paz and Quito, 
the viceroy of Peru detached troops against them, which com- 
pelled the patriots to abandon their projects for a time. 

754. In 1813, a strong force was sent from Peru against the 
republicans of Chili, and succeeded in reinstating the royal 
authority, after various engagements: — but in 1817, and the 
succeeding year, the tide of fortune was turned, and the victo- 
ries of San Martin compelled the Peruvian army to evacuate 
Chili. Since that period, the Chilian republic has acquired suf- 
ficient strength to send a large military and naval force against 
Peru, and to compel the surrender of the capital. Lima capitu- 
lated to the liberating army in June, 1821 ; and, by a declara- 
tion published in the following month, the independence of Peru 
was declared to be the wish of the people. This event was 
soon afterwards followed by the surrender of the Spanish gene- 
ral, Rodill, who had strongly intrenched himself in Callao. 

755. From this period, Peru remained in a state of general 



188 HISTORY OF 

tranquillity, till the battle of Tarqui, which was fought on the 
27th of February, 1829, between 5000 Colombian troops, and 
8000 Peruvians : the issue of it was, that the latter were de- 
feated with considerable loss ; but a convention for the cessa- 
tion of hostilities was signed on the field of battle, and their 
mutual differences were referred to the arbitration of the Uni- 
ted States' government. 

756. On the 3d of April, the same year, general Bolivar is- 
sued a proclamation, complaining of the non-fulfilment by Peru 
of the convention concluded after the battle of Tarqui ; and 
he announced his intention of reoccupying Guayaquil, and 
compelling the Peruvians to make peace. The war was ac- 
cordingly renewed, and the Colombians gained a trifling naval 
advantage off the harbor of Guayaquil in May. 

757. The republicans were disturbed by the intrigues of the 
Colombian party, and the ambitious of their own state, to such 
a degree, that the friends of Bolivar eflfected a revolution at 
Lima on the 6th of June, and general Gamarra was made Presi- 
dent. On the 15th of July, a general armistice, or suspension 
of hostilities for seventy days, was agreed upon between the 
Colombians and Peruvians, at a place called Buijo, the head- 
quarters of Bolivar ; and the department of Guayaquil was 
placed at the disposal of the Colombian government. Since 
that time the Peruvians appear to have enjoyed both a physical 
and political tranquillity. 

CHAPTER X. 

REVOLUTION OF NEW GRANADA. OF VENEZUELA. OF THE 

REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA. OF BUENOS AYRES. OF CHILI. 

758. Three centuries of bad government, under which the 
people of New Granada had labored, drove them to an asser- 
tion of their independence in the year 1816. The country has 
passed through many vicissitudes of fortune since that time : 
the cause of freedom and that of the royalists have been alter- 
natively triumphant ; and many frightful scenes of rapine and 
bloodshed have occurred. In May, 1816, a decisive action was 
fought between the Independents and a Spanish army under 
Morillo, which ended in the total defeat of the former, and the 
dispersion of the congress. After remaining under the domin- 
ion of the royalists for three years, Granada was again emanci- 
pated by the army of Bolivar, who entered Santa Fe in August, 
1819. His successes since that period have been uniform and 



AMERICA. 189 

brilliant ; and at the beginning of the year 1822, the only point 
occupied by the Spanish armies was the isthmus of Panama. 

759. Caraccas, or Venezuela, remained in quiet subjec- 
tion to the mother country, until 1806, when general Miranda, 
a native of Caraccas, made an unfortunate attempt to liberate 
her from the yoke. An expedition was fitted out at New- York, 
a landing was effected on the coast, but the force proved inade- 
quate to the desired object. Many were taken prisoners by the 
►Spanish authorities, and several suffered the penalty of death. 
The defeat was decisive, and gave an effectual blow, for some 
time, to the project of independence: but in 1810, Spain being 
overrun by the French troops, the opportunity was seized by 
the principal inhabitants, to form a republican system of govern- 
ment. For this purpose a congress v/as convened in Caraccas, 
composed of deputies from all the provinces, composing the 
former captain-generalship, with the exception of Maracaibo. 

760. x\t first they published their acts in the name of Fer- 
dinand the VII. ; but the captain-general, and the members of 
the aiidiencia, were deposed and imprisoned,, and the new gov- 
ernment received the title of the confederation of Venezuela. 
The most violent and impolitic measures were now adopted by 
the regency and cortes of Spain towards the people of this dis- 
trict. The congress, finding the voice of the people decided in 
favor of independence, issued a proclamation on the 5th of 
July, 1811, formally proclaiming it. A liberal constitution was 
established, and affairs wore a favorable aspect for the cause 
of freedom, until the fatal earthquake of 1812, which, operating 
on the superstition of the people, led to a great change in the 
public opinion. Monteverde, a royalist general, taking advan- 
tage of the situation of affairs, marched against Caraccas, and, 
after defeating general Miranda, compelled the whole province 
to submit. 

761. In 1813, Venezuela was again emancipated by Boli- 
var, who was sent with an army by the confederation of 
Granada: but in 1814, he was in his turn defeated by Boves, 
and compelled to evacuate Caraccas. In 1816, Bolivar again 
returned with a respectable body of troops, and was again de- 
feated ; — but undismayed by reverses, he landed again in De- 
cember of the same year, convened a general congress, and 
defeated the royalists, in March 1817, with great loss. In the 
month following, Barcelona was taken by the Spanish troops ; 
and the contest was maintained for some time afterwards with 
various success ; and Bolivar was invested by the congress 



190 HISTORY OF 

with ample powers, the situation of the republic requiring the 
energy of a dictator. 

762. On the 17th of December, 1819, an union between the 
republics of Granada and Venezuela was solemnly decreed, in 
conformity with the report of a select committee of deputies 
from each state. This confederation received the title of 
REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA. In conformity with the funda- 
mental law, the installation of the general congress of Colom- 
bia took place on the 6th of May, 1821, in the city of Rosario, 
lat. 8° N. and 70° W. of London, The first measure considered 
by this body was the constitution, and it was finally determined 
that the two states should form one nation, under a popular re- 
presentative government, divided into legislative, executive, and 
judicial. In the mean time, President Bolivar was actively en- 
gaged in bringing the war to a close. On the 24th of June, 
1821, was fought the memorable battle of Carobobo, in which 
the royalist army was totally defeated, with the loss of their 
artillery, baggage, and upwards of 6000 men. At the begin- 
ning of 1822, only Porto Cabello, in Venezuela, and the isth- 
mus of Panama, in New Granada, remained in the possession 
of the Spaniards ; and at the close of the year, the president of 
the United States acknowledged their Independence, in his pub- 
lic message; since which time their envoys have been ac- 
credited and received by the United States, Great Britain, and 
France. 

763. Notwithstanding these flattering events, the republic 
was distracted by political intrigues, and the various incidents 
attendant on a state of war; till, on the 26th of Sept. 1829, 
Venezuela separated itself from the republic of Colombia, and 
declared itself independent ; placing general Paez at the head 
of affairs. On the 18th of March, 1831, its first congress met 
at Valentia, being composed of 15 senators, and 23 representa- 
tives. 

764. In January, of the preceding year, the hero Bolivar 
resigned all his military and political offices ; and an assembly 
of 47 deputies met at Bogota, for the purpose of forming a con- 
stitution for Colombia conformable to tVe spirit of the age. On 
the 25th of April, this new constitution was signed by the mem- 
bers of the congress, and likewise by the executive ; three days 
previous to which, Urdaneta had endeavored to overthrow the 
then existing order of affairs. 

765. On the 4th of May, 1830, the congress met, and elected 
J. Mosquera as their president ; and seven days after, having 
formed such a republican constitution as coincided with their 



AMERICA. 191 

wishes, they adjourned. But it was not destined to Colombia to 
enjoy repose, for on the 31st of the same month, general Flores 
issued a proclamation at Quito, declaring the south part of Co- 
lombia an independent government. 

766. Party spirit was also carried to such excess, that gene- 
ral Sucre was assassinated within a few days after ; and the 
civil war still raging, a battle took place between the partisans 
of the government and its opposers, in which the latter were 
victorious. On the 17th of December, 1830, the celebrated 
Liberator of Colombia died of a broken heart, aged only 47 
years; Simon Bolivar was a man who deserved the eternal 
gratitude of his countrymen. 

767. The death of their hero and chief did not produce peace 
in Colombia : for, on the 27th of April, the following year, we 
find that general Caicedo was invested with executive powers, 
in place of Urdaneta, and during the absence of the president, 
Mosquera. 

768. Buenos Ayres was erected into a viceroyalty in 1778, 
and from that period its trade progressively increased until the 
war between Spain and England, when a material interruption 
was given to it. No event, however, of great moment appears 
in its history, until July, 1806, when a British army, under 
general Beresford, suddenly invaded the country, and took the 
capital by surprise. The British enjoyed their triumph but a 
few weeks, when a small body of the militia, under command 
of general Liniers, invested the city, and forced them to sur- 
render, on the 12th of August. Soon after the surrender of 
Beresford's army, about 5000 troops, under Sir Home Popham, 
arrived from the Cape of Good Hope ; who, after taking fort 
Maldonado, at the mouth of La Plata, laid siege to Monte Video. 
The Spanish garrison made a resolute and glorious defence, 
and finally compelled the besiegers to withdraw disgracefully 
from the contest. 

769. Sir Samuel Auchmuty arrived some time afterwards, 
and the number of the British bearing a vast superiority over 
that of the garrison, another attempt was made, and the town 
was finally carried by storm, after a defence which reflects the 
highest honor upon its little garrison. It was next determined 
by the British commanders to proceed against Buenos Ayres, 
as soon as certain reinforcements arrived. In May, 1807, these 
succors arrived under general Whitelocke, who assumed the 
chief command, and was joined, on the 15th of June, by gene- 
ral Crawford. The invading army now amounted to 12,000 
men, all regular disciplined soldiers. On the appointed day they 



192 HISTORY OF 

embarked in boats, and sailing up the river, debarked below 
the capital. They were permitted to approach the town with- 
out molestation ; but no sooner had they entered it, than they 
were received by the indignant inhabitants with one tremendous 
and well-directed fire of grape-shot and musketry. Every 
house was converted into a fortress, from which vengeance was 
poured out upon the invaders of the soil. The British troops 
were thrown into confusion, and endeavored to find safety in a 
disgraceful flight. General Whitelocke, finding that the patriot- 
ism of the people was not to be overcome, and having no means 
of escape, surrendered this formidable army prisoners of war 
to the militia of Buenos Ayres : and thus terminated the second 
British invasion of this province. 

770. The important services which Liniers had rendered the 
people, elevated him to distinction. The viceroy Sobremonte 
was deposed, and the French general placed in his stead. The 
invasion of Old Spain, however, and the deposition of Ferdi- 
nand VII., produced a counter-revolution in the public opinion. 
Liniers was desirous of establishing the authority of the em- 
peror Napoleon in America, as well as in Old Spain ; but don 
Josef de Goyenoche, who had been sent out by the junta of 
Cadiz, caused the inhabitants of Buenos Ayres to proclaim Fer- 
dinand : advising, at the same time, that a junta should be im- 
mediately formed. So powerful and well-concerted were his 
measures, that on the 1st of January, 1809, the people rose in 
all parts of the city, and demanded the establishment of a junta. 
They were, however, dispersed, and the leaders punished by 
the troops, who still remained faithful to Liniers. 

771. This temporary triumph was not of long continuance; 
in August, 1809, Cisneros, the new viceroy, arrived from Spain, 
and Liniers was deposed by the junta, which now solemnly de- 
clared their rights. Liniers was then exiled to Cordova, but 
the spirit of insurrection had now spread itself too widely to 
admit of the new viceroy continuing long in the exercise of his 
functions. Commotion succeeded to commotion, and a pro- 
visional government assembled on the 26th of May, 1810, de- 
posed the new viceroy and sent him to Spain. Against this 
measure the inhabitants of the interior provinces, and city of 
Montevideo, protested. Liniers formed an army in the neigh- 
borhood of Cordova, and another was assembled in Potosi, 
under general Nieto. To check these, a force marched from 
Buenos Ayres : Liniers and Nieto were defeated, and them- 
selves and six of the principal officers beheaded. 

772. These decisive measures did not extinguish the spirit 



AMERICA. 193 

of disaffection to the cause of emancipation. A force was "put 
in motion in Paraguay, under the governor Velasco ; who was 
defeated, taken prisoner, and sent to Buenos Ayres. Montevideo 
still remained faithful to the mother country ; but in Decem- 
ber, 1816, a body of Portuguese troops entered the Banda Ori- 
ental, and took possession of the city. All the principal places 
on the eastern shore of the Uraguay, and of the country be- 
tween the Parana and the Uraguay, fell into their hands, and 
the province still remains in their possession. Buenos Ayres, 
though independent in fact, after the revolution of 1810, was 
not so in name. The junta professed allegiance to the court of 
Spain, and all decrees were issued in the name of Ferdinand 
VII. 

773. On the 9th of July, 1816, the minds of the people be- 
ing fully prepared for the event, a formal declaration of inde- 
pendence was made by the general congress. No opposition 
was made to the measure in Buenos Ayres, as no Spanish troops 
had remained there since 1810. But an untbrtunate dissension 
broke out between the provinces on the east bank of the La 
Plata, and the general confederation, which arose from a dis- 
pute between the government of Buenos Ayres and general 
Artigas, one of the officers appointed to reduce Montevideo. 
The contest between them continued for several years, and 
many engagements took place, in most of which Artigas was 
successful. The province of Paraguay, likewise, though pro- 
fessedly favorable to independence, refused to make common 
cause with Buenos Ayres, and adopted a kind of non-inter- 
course with the whole world. 

774. Since the declaration of independence, political revo- 
lutions have been frequent in Buenos Ayres. All parties, how- 
ever, favor the cause of republicanism. The most important 
events in the recent history of this republic, are the annexation 
of the Banda Oriental to the kingdom of Brazil, and the recog- 
nition of the independence of Buenos Ayres by the Portuguese 
government, by Great Britain and the United States in the year 
1822. 

775. Unfortunately for the prosperity of both countries, the 
war was continued for several years with varied success ; du- 
ring which period also Buenos Ayres was much distracted by 
the claims of rival chieftains, who aimed at establishing an ab- 
solute authority for themselves, in preference to a love for the 
welfare of their country. At length, on the 18th of June, 1830, 
a treaty of peace was ratified at Montevideo, by the governor, 
general Lavelleja, and general Rivera, by which the latter ac* 

R 



194 HISTORY OF 

knowledged the existing government ; and thus terminated the 
civil war. Since that period, they have been ruled with abso- 
lute sway by the dictator, Francia. 

CHILI. 

776. Little is known of the history of Chili, until the year 
1450, when Upanquis, who governed Peru, having extended 
his empire to the borders of Chili, determined on attempting its 
subjugation : he accordingly dispatched one of his princes, who 
subdued the four northern tribes, and extended his conquests to 
the river Rapel, but was interrupted in his career by the Pro- 
mancian tribe, and defeated in a sanguinary battle. The Peru- 
vians, however, retained possession of their conquest till 1535, 
when the Spaniards first visited it. Almagro, having heard 
that Chili possessed great mineral riches, resolved to invade the 
country : he therefore collected 570 Spaniards, and 15,000 Pe- 
ruvians ; and crossing the mountains, reached Copiapo ; the 
severity of the weather, the rugged nature of the road, and the 
almost unconquerable hostility of the Indians, made him lose 
150 Spaniards, and 10,000 Peruvians, on his march. 

777. The cruelties exercised by the Spaniards over the Chi- 
lians, produced such animosity in the minds of the aborigines, 
that Almagro and his adventurers grew disgusted, and returned 
to Peru in 1538. Two years afterwards, Pizarro, ambitious 
of extending his conquests, dispatched P. de Valdivia, with 200 
of his countrymen, and a numerous body of Peruvians, ac- 
companied by women, children, priests, and domestic animals, 
with the intention of settling such districts as he could reduce 
under his subjection. 

778. Valdivia found the natives of Copiapo determined to 
oppose his entrance by force, the conduct of Almagro having 
convinced them of the perfidy of the Europeans ; yet he suc- 
ceeded in overcoming their resistance ; and having conquered 
several districts, arrived with little loss in the country of Ma- 
pocho. Here he laid the foundation of a city, which he called 
Santiago, on the 24th of February, 1541. The Promancians 
having again assembled some forces, Valdivia marched to give 
them battle, but was no sooner gone than the Mapochians at- 
tacked the new settlement, and the inhabitants were obliged to 
take shelter in their fort, from the surrender of which they 
were relieved by the timely return of Valdivia. 

779. Hostilities continued for six years, when he, in 1545, 
concluded a treaty, and an alliance with the Promancians, and 
visited Peru the following year. On his return, he brought with 
him a commission as governor, and a supply of soldiers and 



AMERICA. 195 

stores. Having settled his power in the northern provinces of 
Chili, he turned his arms against the southern portion of the 
country, which he subdued after many severe struggles, and san- 
guinary battles with the Araucanians. The city of Imperial was 
founded under his auspices, and another which he called by his 
own name, in the territory of the Cunches Indians ; after which 
he returned to Santiago. 

780. While Valdivia was engaged at Santiago, in schemes 
by which he conceived his power might be confirmed, the Arau- 
canians were preparing a force which totally overthrew it. 
Caupolicar, the chief of these warlike savages, having destroyed 
two of the Spanish settlements, advanced against Valdivia : — 
the armies met ; a fierce contest ensued ; victory at first in- 
clined towards the Spaniards ; but a young chief, who had been 
baptized, and employed as a page by Valdivia, suddenly de- 
serted his standard ; and putting himself at the head of his 
countrymen, renewed the attack with such vigor, that the Span- 
iards, and the Promancians, their allies, were cut to pieces, 
only two of the latter escaping. Valdivia himself was taken 
prisoner ; and, while a council was deliberating on his fate, an 
old chief put an end to his existence with a club. He was suc- 
ceeded in command by Villagran, who was again defeated by 
the Araucanians, and forced to retreat to Conception, which 
place he was obliged to abandon, and proceed to Santiago. 

781. In 1557, Garcia de Mendoza, viceroy of Peru, sent 
his son with a large force to Chili, and the war was continued 
with great obstinacy on both sides until the year 1598, when a 
general insurrection of the Araucanians took place ; and, as- 
sisted by their allies, they put to death every Spaniard whom 
they found outside the forts. The towns of Villanca, Valdivia, 
Imperial, and several others were taken, and Conception and 
Chillar were burned. 

782. Preliminaries of peace were finally settled between the 
marquis of Baydes, governor of CMIi, and the Araucanians, 
in 1641. This peace continued till 1655, when hostilities again 
broke out with their former fury, and continued ten years, with 
various success. At the end of this period, a formal treaty was 
made, and the conditions of it observed with more fidelity than 
the preceding compacts, for from this time to the beginning of 
the eighteenth century, the history of Chili presents little de- 
serving of record. 

783. Though tranquil for so long a space of time, the spirit 
of the Araucanians was not broken, nor was their aversion to 
the Spaniards abated. In 1722, a general conspiracy was 



196 HISTORY, &c. 

formed by the nations from the borders of Peru to the river 
Biobio. At a fixed moment, when the watch-fires were to blaze 
on the mountains, the Indians were to rise against the whites, 
and release the country from their yoke. The design, however, 
was rendered abortive, for only the Araucanians took up arms, 
and after a short contest, peace was again concluded. 

784. In 1742, don Josef Manto, then governor, collected 
the colonists into towns, divided the country into provinces, and 
founded several new cities. In 1770, don Antony Gonzago 
gave rise to a new war, by attempting to compel the Arauca- 
nians to adopt habits of industry, and to associate in towns. 
The Pehuenches, allies of the Spaniards, were defeated by the 
Araucanians : many battles were fought, the most terrible of 
which took place in 1773, and caused prodigious slaughter. At 
length tranquillity was restored, one condition of which was, 
that the Araucanians should keep a minister resident at San- 
tiago ; a stipulation which proves their power and importance. 

785. Chili enjoyed tranquillity during the remainder of the 
eighteenth century, and being relieved from the hostility of the 
Araucanians, agriculture and commerce, which had been 
greatly neglected, soon revived. The occupation of Spain by 
the French troops in 1809, caused a revolutionary movement 
in Chili, as well as in other parts of Spanish America. Tlie 
party which espoused the cause of independence, was at first 
successful ; but nearly the whole district was subdued by a roy- 
alist army from Peru in 1814. 

786. Chili remained under control of the royalists, until 
1817, when general San Martin, with a body of troops from 
Buenos Ayres, entered the country, and being joined by the 
generality of the people, defeated the royalists in several en- 
gagements. The independence of the country was finally 
achieved by the victory obtained at the decisive battle on the 
banks of the Maypo, in April, 1818, under generals O'Higgin 
and San Martin. A free constitution has been established, and 
from the courage and intelligence of the people, will probably 
be maintained. The arms of Chili have since been directed 
against Peru, with signal success; and the fall of Lima, in 
June 1821, attests the skill and bravery of San Martin and his 
republican army. No event of importance has occurred since 
this period to disturb the tranquiUity of the Chilians, 



HISTORY OF NORTH AMERICA. 



CHAPTER I. 



CONJECTURES ON PEOPLING AMERICA CHARACTER OF THE IN- 
DIANS STATE OF THE BRITISH COLONIES BRITISH IMPOSE 

DUTIES ON THE COLONISTS. 

1. Columbus, in his third voyage, having attained the 
great object of his ambition, by discovering the continent of 
America ; his success produced a number of adventurers from 
all nations ; the year before this, Sebastian Cabot, in the service 
of Henry the VII of England, discovered the Northern conti- 
nent, of which it is intended now explicitly to treat. The ques- 
tions which first present themselves to our notice are, from what 
part of the Old World has America been peopled ? and how 
accomplished ? Few questions in the history of mankind have 
been more agitated than these. Philosophers and men of learn- 
ing and ingenuity have been speculating upon them ever since 
the discovery of the American Islands by Columbus. But not- 
withstanding all their labors, the subject still affords an ample 
field for the researches of the man of science, and for the fan- 
cies of the theorist. 

2. It has been long known that an intercourse between the 
old continent and America, might be carried on with facility, 
from the north-west extremities of Europe and the north-east 
boundaries of Asia. In the year 982, the Norwegians discov- 
ered Greenland and planted a colony there. The communica- 
tion with that country was renewed in the last century by Mo- 
ravian missionaries, in order to propagate their doctrines in that 
bleak uncultivated region. By them we are informed that the 
north-west coast of Greenland is separated from America by a 
very narrow strait ; that at the bottom of the bay it is highly 
probable they are united ; that the Uskemeaux of America per- 
fectly resemble the Greenlanders, in their aspect, dress, and 
manner of living ; and that a Moravian missionary, well ac- 
quainted with the language of Greenland, having visited the 
country of the Uskemeaux, found, to his astonishment, that 
they spoke the same language, and were, in every respect, the 
same people. The same species of animals are also found in 
the contiguous regions. The bear, the wolf, the fox, the hare, 

R2 



198 HISTORY OF 

the deer, the roe-buck, and the elk, frequent the forests of North 
America, as well as those in the north of Europe. 

3. Other discoveries have proved, that if the tvi^o conti- 
nents of Asia and America be separated at all, it is only by a 
narrow strait. From this part of the old continent also, in- 
habitants may have passed into the new ; and the resemblance 
between the Indians of America and the eastern inhabitants of 
Asia, would induce us to conjecture, that they have a common 
origin. This opinion is doubted by the celebrated doctor Rob- 
ertson, in his History of America. The more recent and ac- 
curate discoveries of that illustrious navigator, Cooke, and his 
successor, Gierke, have brought the matter still nearer to a cer- 
tainty. 

4. The sea, from the south of Behring's strait, to the cres- 
cent of isles between Asia and America, is very shallow. It 
deepens from this strait, as the British seas do from that of Do- 
ver, till the soundings are lost in the Pacific Ocean ; but that 
does not take place except to the south of the isles. Between 
them and the strait is an increase from 12 to 54 fathoms, only 
at Thaddeus-Noss, where there is a channel of greater depth. 

5. From the volcanic disposition, it has been judged proba- 
ble, not only that there was a separation of the continents at 
the strait of Behring, but that the whole space from the isles to 
the small opening, had once been occupied by land ; and that 
the fury of the watery element, assisted also by that of fire, 
had, in some remote time, subverted and overwhelmed the tract, 
and left the islands as monumental fragments. 

6. There can be no doubt that our planet has been subject to 
great vicissitudes since the deluge : ancient and modern histo- 
rians confirm this truth, that lands are now plowed, over 
which ships formerly sailed ; and that they now sail over lands, 
which were formerly cultivated : earthquakes have swallowed 
some lands, and subterraneous fires have thrown up others : the 
sea retreating from its shores, has lengthened the land in some 
places, and encroaching upon it in others, has diminished it ; it 
has separated some territories which were formerly united, and 
formed new bays and gulfs. 

7. Revolutions of this nature happened in the last century. 
Sicily was once united to the continent of Naples, as Euboea, 
now the Black sea, was to Boeotia. Diodorus, Strabo, and other 
ancient authors, say the same thing of Spain, and of Africa ; 
and affirm, that by a violent irruption of the ocean upon the 
land between the mountains of Abyla and Calpe, that commu- 
nication was broken, and the Mediterranean sea was formed. 



AMERICA. 199 

Among the people of Ceylon, there is a tradition, that a similar 
irruption of the sea separated their island from the peninsula 
of India ; the same thing is believed by those of Malabar, with 
respect to the Maldivian isles ; and by the Malayans, with re- 
spect to Sumatra. 

8. The «ount de BufTon is certain, that in Ceylon the earth 
has lost 30 or 40 leagues, taken from it by the sea. The same 
author asserts, that Louisiana has only been formed by the 
debris of rivers. Pliny, Seneca, Diodorus, and others, report 
innumerable examples of similar revolutions. 

9. In the strait which separates America from Asia, many 
islands are found, which are supposed to be the mountainous 
parts of land, formerly swallowed up by earthquakes ; which 
appears the more probable, by the multitude of volcanoes, now 
known in the peninsula of Kamtschatka. It is imagined, how- 
ever, that the sinking of that land and the separation of the two 
continents, have been occasioned by those great earthquakes 
mentioned in the history of the Americans ; which formed an 
era almost as memorable as that of the deluge. We can form 
no conjecture of the time mentioned in the histories of Toltecas, 
or of the year I. Tecpatl, when that great calamity happened. 

10. If a great earthquake should overwhelm the isthmus of 
Suez, and there should be at the same time as great a scarcity 
of historians as there was in the first age of the deluge, it 
w^ould be doubted in three or four hundred years after, whether 
Asia had ever been united by that part to Africa ; and many 
would firmly deny it. 

11. Whether that great event, the separation of the conti- 
nents, took place before or after the population of America, it 
is impossible to determine : but we are indebted to the above 
mentioned navigators, for settling the long dispute about the 
point from which it was effected. Their observations prove, 
that in one place the distance between continent and continent 
is only thirty-nine miles : and in the middle of this narrow strait 
there are two islands, which would greatly facilitate the passage 
of the Asiatics into the New World, supposing it took place in 
canoes, after the convulsion which rent the two continents 
asunder. 

12. It may also be added, that these straits are, even in sum- 
mer, often filled with ice ; in winter frozen over, so as to admit 
a passage for mankind, and by which quadrupeds might easily 
cross, and stock the continent. But where, from the vast ex- 
panse of the north-eastern world, to fix on the first tribes who 
contributed to people the new continent, now inhabited from end 



200 HISTORY OF 

to end, is a matter that has baffled human reason. The learned 
may make bold and ingenious conjectures, but plain good sense 
cannot always accede to them. 

13. As mankind increased in numbers, they naturally pro- 
truded one another forward. Wars might be another cause of 
migrations. No reason appears, why the Asiatic north might 
not be an qfficina vivorum as well as the European. The over- 
teeming country to the east of the Riphean mountains, must 
have found it necessary to discharge its inhabitants : the first 
great increase of people were forced forwards by the next to it ; at 
length reaching the utmost limits of the Old World, they found 
a new one, with ample space to occupy unmolested for ages : till 
Columbus, in an evil hour for them, discovered their country ; 
which brought again new sins and new deaths to both worlds. 
It is impossible, with the lights which we have so recently re- 
ceived, to admit, that America could receive its inhabitants, that 
is the bulk of them, from any other place than eastern Asia. 
A few proofs may be added, taken from the customs or dresses, 
common to the inhabitants of both worlds. Some have been 
long extinct in the old, others remain in both in full force. 

14. The custom of scalping was a barbarism in use with the 
Scythians, who carried about them at all times this savage 
mark of triumph. A little image found among the CalmucSj 
of a Tartarian deity, mounted on a horse, and sitting on a hu- 
man skin with scalps pendent from the breast, fully illustrates 
tiie custom of the ancient Scythians, as described by the Greek 
historian. This usage, we well know by horrid experience, is 
continued to this day in America. The ferocity of the Scy- 
thians to their prisoners, extended to the remotest part of Asia. 
The Kamtschatkans, even at the time of their discovery by the 
Russians, put their prisoners to death by the most lingering 
and excruciating torments ; a practice now in full force among 
the aboriginal Americans. A race of the Scythians were named 
Anthropophagi, from their feeding on human flesh : the people 
of Nootka Sound make a repast on their fellow creatures. 

15. The savages of North America have been known to 
throw the mangled limbs of their prisoners into the horrible 
caldron, and devour them with the same relish as those of a 
quadruped. The Kamtschatkans in their marches never went 
abreast, but followed one another in the same track : a similar 
custom is still observed by the uncultivated natives of North 
America. The Tungusi, the most numerous nation resident in 
Siberia, prick their skins with small punctures, in various 
shapes, with a needle : then rub them with charcoal, so that 



AMERICA. 201 

the marks become indelible : this custom is still observed in se- 
veral parts of South America. 

16. The Tungusi use canoes made of birch bark, distended 
over ribs of wood, and nicely put together : the Canadian, and 
many other primitive American nations, use no other sort of 
boats. In fine, the conjectures of the learned, respecting the 
vicinity of the Old and New World, are now, by the discove- 
ries of late navigators, lost in conviction : and in the place of 
an imaginary hypothesis, the place of migration is almost in- 
controvertibly pointed out. 

17. This vast country extends from the 80th degree of north 
to the 56th degree of south latitude : and from the 6th to the 
1 36th degree of west longitude from London, extending nearly 
nine tliousand miles in length, and its greatest breadth three 
thousand six hundred and ninety ; it embraces both hemispheres, 
has two summers and two winters, and enjoys all the variety 
of climates which the earth affords. It is washed by tv,^o great 
oceans : to the eastward it has the Atlantic, which separates it 
from Europe and Africa ; to the west it has the Pacific or Great 
South Sea, separating it from Asia. By these seas it carries 
on a direct commerce with the other three parts of the World. 

18. Next to the extent of the New World, the grand objects 
which it presents to the view, must forcibly strike the eye of 
an observer. Nature seems to have carried on her operations 
upon a larger scale, and with a bolder hand, and to have dis- 
tinguished the features of this country by a peculiar magnifi- 
cence. The mountains of America are much superior in height 
to those in the other divisions of the globe. The most elevated 
point of the Andes in South America, is twenty-four thousand 
one hundred and fifty feet above the level of the sea ; which is 
at least seven thousand higher than the peak of Teneriffe. 

19. From the lofty and extensive mountains of America de- 
scend rivers, with which the streams of Europe, Asia, or 
Africa, are not to be compared, either for length, or for the vast 
bodies of water which they pour into the ocean. The Danube, 
the Indus, the Ganges, or the Nile are not of equal magnitude 
with the St. Lawrence, the Missouri, or the Mississippi, in North 
America ; or with the Maranon, the Orinoco, or the La Plata, 
in South America. 

20. The lakes of the New World are not less conspicuous for 
grandeur than its mountains and rivers. There is nothing, in 
the other parts of the globe, which resembles the prodigious 
chain of lakes in North America ; they might, with propriety, 
be termed inland seas of fresh water j even those of the second 



202 HISTORY OF 

or third class, are of larger circuit, the Caspian sea excepted, 
than the greatest lake of the ancient continent. 

21. Various causes have been assigned for the remarkable 
difference between the climate of the New continent and the 
Old. The opinion of the celebrated Dr. Robertson, on this sub- 
ject, claims our attention. " Though the utmost extent of Ame- 
ricajowards the north, be not yet discovered, we know that it 
advances nearer the pole than either Europe or Asia. The latter 
have large seas to the north, which are open during part of the 
year ; and even when covered with ice, the wind that blows 
over them is less intensely cold, than that which blows over 
land in the same latitudes. But in America, the land stretches 
from the river St. Lawrence towards the pole, and spreads out 
immensely to the west. A chain of enormous mountains, cov- 
ered with snow and ice, runs through all this dreary region. 
The wind passing over such an extent of high and frozen land, 
becomes so impregnated with cold, that it acquires a piercing 
keenness, which it retains in its progress through warmer cli- 
mates ; and is not entirely mitigated, until it reaches the gulf 
of Mexico. Over all the continent of North America, a north- 
westerly wind and excessive cold, are terms synonymous. Even 
in the most sultry weather, the moment that the wind veers to 
that quarter, its penetrating influence is felt in a transition from 
heat to cold no less violent than sudden. To this powerful 
cause we may ascribe the extraordinary dominion of cold, and 
its violent inroads into the southern provinces in that part of 
the globe." 

22. Of the manners and customs of the North Americans, the 
following is the most consistent account that can be collected 
from the best informed, and most impartial writers. When the 
Europeans first arrived in America, they found the Indians al- 
most in a state of nudity, except those parts which the most 
uncultivated savages usually conceal. Since that time, how- 
ever, they generally use a coarse blanket, which they obtain of 
the neighboring planters, in exchange fbr furs and other ar- 
ticles. Their huts are made of stakes of wood driven into the 
ground, and covered with branches of trees or reeds. They lie 
on the floor, either on mats, or the skins of wild beasts. 

23. Their dishes are of wood, and their spoons of the skulls 
of wild oxen, and sometimes of laurel, a hardy wood, very 
suitable for the purpose ; their knives and hatchets are made 
of flint or other stone. A kettle, and a large plate, constitute 
almost the whole utensils of the family. Their diet consists 
chiefly of what they procure by hunting ; and sagamite, or 



AMERICA. 203 

pottage, is likewise one of the most common kinds of food. The 
most honorable furniture amongst them is a collection of the 
scalps of their enemies : with these they ornament their huts, 
which are esteemed in proportion to the number of this horrid 
sort of spoils. 

24. The character of the Indians is only to be known by 
their circumstances and way of passing through life. Constantly 
employed in procuring a precarious subsistence, by hunting 
wild animals, and often engaged in war, it cannot be expected 
that they enjoy much gaiety of temper, or a high flow of spirits. 
They are therefore generally grave, approaching to sadness : 
they have none of that giddy vivacity, peculiar to some nations 
of Europe, but despise it. Their behavior to those about them 
is regular, modest, and respectful. They seldom speak but 
when they have something important to observe : and all their 
actions, words, and even their looks, are attended with some 
meaning. 

25. Their subsistence depends entirely on what they procure 
with their hands ; and their lives, their honor, and every thing 
dear to them, may be lost by the smallest inattention to the designs 
of their enemies. As no particular object has power to attach 
them to one place, more than another, they go wherever the 
necessaries of life can be procured in the greatest abundance. 
The different tribes, or nations, when compared with civilized 
societies, are extremely small. These tribes often live at an im- 
mense distance ; they are separated by a desert frontier, and 
hid in the bosom of impenetrable woods, and almost boundless 
forests. 

26. There is in each society a certain kind of government 
which, with very litjtle deviation, prevails over the whole conti- 
nent ; their manners, and way of Ufe, are nearly similar and 
uniform. An Indian has no method by which he can render 
himself considerable among his companions, but by his per- 
sonal accomplishments, either of body or mind ; but as nature 
has not been very lavish in these distinctions, where all enjoy 
the same education, all are pretty much upon an equality, and 
will desire to remain so. 

27. Liberty is therefore the prevailing passion of the Ameri- 
can Indians ; and their government, under the influence of this 
sentiment, is perhaps better secured than by the wisest political 
regulations. They are very far, however, from despising all 
sort .of authority : they are attentive to the voice of wisdom, 
which experience has conferred on the aged ; and they enlist 
under the banners of the chief, in whose valor and military ad- 



204 HISTORY OF 

dress, they have learned to repose a just and merited confi- 
dence. 

28. Among those tribes which are most engaged in war, the 
power of the chief is naturally predominant : because the idea 
of having a military leader was the first source of his superi- 
ority ; and the continued exigencies of the state requiring such 
a leader, will enhance it. His power, however, is rather per- 
suasive than coercive ; he is reverenced as a father, rather than 
feared as a monarch. He has no guards, no prisons, no offi- 
cers of justice : and, one act of ill-judged violence would pull 
him from his humble throne. 

29. The elders, in the other form of government, which may 
be considered as a mild and nominal aristocracy, have no more 
power. Age alone is sufficient for acquiring respect, influence, 
and authority ; experience alone is the only source of know- 
ledge among a savage people. Among the Indians, business 
is conducted with the utmost simplicity, and recalls to those who 
are acquainted with antiquity, a lively representation of the 
early ages. 

30. The heads of families meet together in a house or cabin, 
appointed for the purpose : here the business is discussed ; and 
here those of the nation distinguished for their eloquence or 
wisdom, have an opportunity of displaying their talents. Their 
orators, like those of Homer, express themselves in a bold, 
figurative style, more strong than refined, with gestures vio- 
lent, but natural and expressive. When the business is over, 
and they happen to be well provided with food, they appoint a 
feast upon the occasion, of which almost the whole nation par- 
takes ; the feast is accompanied with a song, in which the ex- 
ploits of their forefathers are celebrated. _ They have dances, 
too, but chiefly of the military kind, like the Greeks and Ro- 
mans, which inspire the younger with a martial spirit. 

31. To assist their memory, they have belts of small shells 
(icampmn) or beads,, of different colors, each representing a 
different object, which is marked by their color or arrangement. 
At the conclusion of every subject on which they discourse, 
when they treat with a foreign state, they deliver one of those 
belts ; for, if this ceremony should be omitted, all that they 
have said passes for nothing. These belts are carefully de- 
posited in each town as the public records of the nation : and 
to them they occasionally have recourse, when any public conr 
test happens with a neighboring tribe. Of late, as the mate- 
rials of which those belts are made have become scarce, they 
often give some skin in the place of the wampum ,* and receive 



AMERICA. 205 

in return presents of a more valuable kind, from the commis- 
sioners appointed to treat with them ; for they never consider 
a treaty of any weight, unless every article in it be ratified by 
some gratification. 

32. It sometimes happens, that those different tribes or na- 
tions, scattered as they are at an immense distance from one 
another, meet in their excursions whilst hunting. If there sub- 
sist no animosity between them, they behave in the most 
friendly and courteous manner : but, if they happen to be in a 
state of war, or, if there has been no previous intercourse be- 
tween them, all who are not friends are deemed enemies, and 
they fight with the most savage fury. 

33. War, hunting, and fishing are the principal employ- 
ments of the men ; almost every other concern is consigned to 
the women. The most prevailing motive with the Indians for 
entering into a war, if it does not arise from any accidental 
rencounter, is either to avenge themselves for the death of some 
lost friend, or to acquire prisoners, who may assist them in 
their hunting, and whom they adopt into their society. 

34. These wars are either undertaken by some private ad- 
venturers, or by the whole community. In the latter case, all 
the young men who desire to go out to battle, for no one is 
compelled contrary to his inchnation, give a piece of wood to 
the chief, as a token of their design to accompany him. The 
chief who is to conduct the enterprise, fasts several days, and 
carefully observes his dreams during that time : which the pre- 
sumption natural to savages mostly renders as favorable as he 
could desire. A variety of other superstitious ceremonies are 
observed. 

35. The war-kettle is set on the fire, as an emblem that they 
are going out to devour their enemies ; which, among these na- 
tions, it is probable, was formerly the case ; since they still 
continue to express it in clear terms, and use an emblem sig- 
nificant of the ancient usage. Then they dispatch a cup or 
large shell to their allies ; inviting them to join in the destruc- 
tion of their enemies, and drink their blood ; for like the an- 
cient Greeks, they think that those in their alliance must not 
only adopt their quarrels, but that they must also have their 
resentments wound up to the same degree with themselves. 

36. There are no people who carry their friendships or re- 
sentments so far as they do ; this naturally results from their 
peculiar circumstances. The American Indians live in small 
societies, accustomed to see but few objects and few persons : 
to be deprived of these objects to which they are so closely 

S 



206 HISTORY OF 

attached, renders them miserable. Their ideas are too confined 
to enable them to entertain just sentiments of humanity, or uni- 
versal benevolence. But this very circumstance, while it makes 
them cruel and savage to an incredible degree, towards those 
with whom they are at war, adds a new force to their particular 
friendships, and to the common tie which unites the members 
of the same tribe, or those in alliance with them. 

37. Without attending to this reflection, some facts which 
immediately follow would excite our wonder, without informing 
our reason ; and we would be bewildered in a number of par- 
ticulars, seemingly opposite to one another, without being sen- 
sible of the general cause from which they proceed. 

38. Having finished all the ceremonies previous to the war, 
and the appointed day for setting out on their expedition having 
arrived, they take leave of their friends, and exchange their 
clothes, or whatever movables they have, in token of mutual 
friendship ; after which they proceed from the town, their wives 
and female relations walking before, and attending them to some 
distance. The warriors march dressed in all their finery, and 
most showy apparel, without any order. The chief walks slowly 
before them, singing the war song ; while the rest observe the 
most profound silence. When they come up to their women, 
they deliver to them all their ornaments, and putting on their 
worst clothes, proceed on their expedition. 

39. Every nation has its peculiar ensign or standard, which 
is generally a representation of some beast, bird, or fish. Those 
among the Five Nations are the bear, otter, wolf, tortoise, and 
eagle, and by those names the tribes are usually distinguished. 
They have the figures of those animals punctured and painted 
on several parts of their bodies ; and when they march through 
the woods, they commonly, at every encampment, cut the repre- 
sentation of their ensign on trees, especially after a successful 
campaign ; marking, at the same time, the number of scalps and 
prisoners they have taken. 

40. Their military dress is very singular : they cut off, or 
pull out, all their hair, except a spot about the breadth of two 
crown-pieces, near the top of their heads, and entirely destroy 
their eye-brows : the lock left upon their heads, they divide into 
several parcels each of which is stiffened and adorned with 
wampum, beads, and feathers of various kinds ; the whole 
twisted into a form resembling the modern pompoon. Their 
heads are painted red down to the eyes, and sprinkled over with 
white down. The gristles of their ears are split almost around, 
and distended with wires or splinters, so as to meet and tie to- 



AMERICA. 207 

gether at the nape of the neck ; these are also hung with some 
ornaments, and generally bear the representation of some bird 
or beast. Their noses are likewise bored, and hung with trink- 
ets or beads, and their faces painted with various colors, so as 
to make an awful appearance. Their breasts are adorned with 
a gorget, or medal of brass, copper, or some other metal ; and 
the scalping-knife hangs by a string from the neck. 

41. The most approved qualities among Indians, in war, are 
vigilance and attention to execute and avoid surprise ; and in- 
deed, in these arts they are superior to all other nations in the 
world. Accustomed to a continual wandering in the forests, 
their conceptions sharpened by keen necessity, and living in 
every respect according to nature, their external senses have a 
degree of acuteness which, at first view, seems incredible. They 
can trace out their enemies at an immense distance, by the smoke 
of their fires which they smell, and by the tracks of their feet 
upon the ground, imperceptible to an European eye, but which 
they can count with facility. It is said they can even distin- 
guish the different nations to which they belong, and determine 
the precise time in which they passed ; when an European with 
the aid of glasses could not discover the least trace of a foot- 
step. These circumstances are of little importance, as their- 
savage enemies are equally well acquainted with them. 

42. When they go out, therefore, they take care to avoid 
making use of any thing that might lead to a discovery. They 
light no fire to warm themselves, or to prepare their victuals ; 
they lie close to the ground during the day, when they draw 
near the residence of their enemies, and travel only in the night, 
marching along in files; he that closes the rear, carefully 
covers the tracks of his own feet, and those who preceded him, 
with leaves. When they halt to refresh themselves, scouts are 
sent out to reconnoitre the country, and beat up every place 
where they suspect an enemy lies concealed. 

43. In this manner they enter the villages of their foes ; un- 
awares and while the flower of the nation are engaged in hunt- 
ing, massacre all the children, women, and helpless old men ; 
or make prisoners of as many as they can manage, or have 
strength enough to be useful to their nation. But when the en- 
emy is apprized of their design, and coming on in arms against 
them, they throw themselves flat on the ground among the 
withered herbs and leaves, which their faces are painted to re- 
semble. They then allow a part to pass unmolested, when all 
at once with a tremendous shout, rising up from their ambush, 
they pour a storm of arrows or musket-balls upon their foes. 



208 HISTORY OF 

44. The party attacked returns the same cry ; every one 
shelters himself with a tree, and returns the fire of the adverse 
party, as soon as they raise themselves from the ground to 
give a second fire. Thus does the battle continue, until the one 
party is so much weakened, as to be incapable of further resist- 
ance. But if the force on each side continues nearly equal, the 
fierce spirits of the savages, inflamed by the loss of their friends, 
can no longer be restrained. They abandon their distant war, 
and rush upon one another with clubs and hatchets in their 
hands, magnifying their own courage, and insulting their ene- 
mies with the bitterest reproaches. 

45. A cruel combat ensues, death appears in a thousand 
hideous forms, which would congeal the blood of civilized na- 
tions to behold ; but which rouses the fury of savages. They 
trample on, they insult the dead bodies, and tear the scalp from 
the head. The fury continues to rage till resistance ceases ; 
then they secure the prisoners, whose fate, if men, is a thou- 
sand times more unhappy than that of those who died in the 
field. The conquerors set up a hideous yell, to lament the friends 
they have lost. 

46. They approach, in a melancholy gloom, to their own 
Village ; a messenger is sent to announce their arrival, and the 
women, with frightful shrieks, come out to mourn their dead 
brothers, or their husbands. When they are arrived, the chief 
relates, in a low voice, to the elders, a circumstantial account 
of every particular of the expedition. The orator then pro- 
claims this account aloud to the people ; and as he mentions the 
names of those who have fallen, the shrieks of the women are 
redoubled. 

47. The men too join in these cries, according as each is 
most connected with the deceased, by blood or friendship. The 
last ceremony is the proclamation of victory ; each individual 
then forgets his private misfortunes, and joins in the triumph 
of his nation ; all tears are wiped from their eyes, and by an 
unaccountable transition, they pass, in a moment, fi'om the bit- 
terness of sorrow to an extravagance of joy. 

48. But the manner in which they treat their prisoners, is the 
chief characteristic of the savages. The friendly affections 
which glow with an intense warmth within the bounds of their 
own villages, seldom extend beyond them. They feel nothing 
for the enemies of their nation but an implacable resentment. 
The prisoners who have themselves the same feelings, know 
the intentions of their conquerors, and are prepared for them. 
The person who has taken the captive, attends him to the cot« 



AMERICA. 209 

tage, where, according to the distribution made by the elders, 
he is to be dehvered to supply the loss of a relative. 

49. If those who receive him have their family weakened 
by war or other accidents, they adopt the captive into the fam- 
ily. But if they have no occasion for him, or their resentment 
for the loss of their friends be too high to endure the sight of 
any connected with those who were concerned in it, they sen- 
tence him to death. All those who have met with the same 
severe sentence being collected, the whole nation is assembled 
at the execution as for some great solemnity. A scaffold is 
erected, and the prisoners are tied to a stake, where they begin 
their death-song, and prepare for the ensuing scene of cruelty, 
with the most undaunted courage. Their enemies, on the other 
side, are determined to put it to the proof, by the most cruel and 
exquisite tortures. 

.50. They begin at the extremity of his body, and gradually 
approach the more vital parts ; one plucks out his nails by the 
roots, one by one ; another takes a finger into his mouth and 
tears off the flesh with his teeth ; a third thrusts the mangled 
finger into the bowl of a pipe made red-hot, which he smokes 
like tobacco ; then they pound his toes and fingers to pieces be- 
tween two stones ; they cut circles about his joints, and gashes 
in the fleshy parts of his limbs, which they sear immediately 
with red-hot irons, cutting, burning, and pinching them alter- 
nately ; they pull off his flesh, thus mangled, and roast it bit by 
bit, devouring it with greediness, and smearing their faces with 
the blood ; their passions increasing in horror and fury, they 
proceed to twist the bare nerves and tendons about an iron, 
tearing and snapping them, while others are employed in pull- 
ing and extending the limbs in every direction so as to increase 
the torment. This continues often five or six hours, and some- 
times, such is the constitutional strength of the savages, for 
days together. 

51. Then they frequently unbind him, to give a breathing to 
their fury, to think what new tortures they shall inflict, and to 
refresh the strength of the sufferer, who, wearied out with such 
a variety of unheard-of torments, often falls into such insensi- 
bility that they apply the fire to rouse him, and renew his suf- 
ferings. He is again fastened to a stake, and again they renew 
their cruelty ; they stick him all over with matches of a wood 
that easily takes fire, and burns but slowly, they run sharp 
reeds into every part of his body, they drag out his teeth with 
pincers, and thrust out his eyes ; and lastly, having burned his 
flesh from his bones with slow fires, after having mangled his 

S2 



210 HISTORY OF 

body in the most shocking manner, and so mutilated his face 
that nothing human appears in it, after having peeled the skin 
from the head, and poured a heap of red-hot coals or boiling 
water on the naked skull, they once more unbind the miserable 
victim ; who, blind and staggering with pain and weakness, is 
assaulted on every side with clubs and stones ; and falling into 
their fires at every step, until one of the chiefs, out of compas- 
sion or weary of cruelty, puts an end to his life by a club or 
dagger. The body is then put into a kettle, and this inhuman 
and horrid employment is succeeded by a feast as barbarous. 

52. The women, forgetting the human as well as the female 
nature, surpass the men in cruelty, and act like furies while 
this scene of horror is going on : the principal persons of the 
nation sit around the stake, looking on and smoking their pipes 
without the least emotion. But what is most extraordinary, the 
sufferer himself, in the little intervals of his torments, smokes, 
appears unconcerned, and converses with his tormentors about 
indifferent matters. During the whole time of his execution, 
there seems a contest which shall succeed ; they, by inflicting 
the most horrid pains, or he, by enduring them with a firmness 
and constancy almost above human ; not a sigh, not a groan, 
not a distortion of countenance, escapes him : he possesses his 
mind entirely in the midst of his torments : he recounts his own 
exploits: he informs them of the cruelties he has committed 
upon their countrymen, and threatens them with the revenge 
that will attend his death ; that they were old women, who knew 
not how to put a warrior to death ; and though his reproaches 
exasperate them to madness, he continues to insult them with 
their ignorance in the art of tormenting ; pointing out himself 
more exquisite methods, and more sensible parts of the body to 
be afflicted. The women have this part of courage as well as 
the men, and it is as rare for an Indian to behave otherwise, as 
it would be for an European to suffer as an Indian. 

53. Such is the wonderful power of an early intuition, and 
a ferocious thirst of glory. " I am brave and intrepid," says 
the savage in the face of his tormentors. " I neither fear death 
nor torments ; those who fear them are cowards ; they are less 
than women : life is nothing to those who have courage ! may 
my enemies be confounded with despair and rage : oh ! that I 
could devour them, and drink their blood to the last drop." 
But neither the intrepidity on one side, nor the inflexibility on 
the other, are matter of astonishment ; for vengeance and for- 
titude, in the midst of torments, are considered as sacred duties 
with them ; they are the effects of their earliest education, and 



AMERICA. 211 

they depend upon principles instilled into them from their very 
infancy. 

54. On ail otlier occasions they are humane, and compas- 
sionate. Nothing can exceed the warmth of their affection to- 
wards their friends, who consist of all those who live in the 
same village, or are in alliance with them ; among these all 
things are common ; their houses, their provisions, and their 
most valuable articles are not withheld from a friend : has any 
one of these had ill success in hunting, his harvest failed, or 
his house burned, he feels no other effect of his misfortune, 
than it gives him an opportunity to experience the benevolence 
and regard of his associates. 

55. On the other hand, the Indian, to the enemy of his 
country, or "his tribe, or to those who have privately offended 
him, is implacable. He conceals his sentiments ; be appears 
reconciled, until, by some treachery or surprise, he has an op- 
portunity of executing a horrid revenge. No length of time 
is sufficient to allay his resentment ; no distance of place great 
enough to protect the object ; he crosses the steepest mountains, 
he pierces the most impenetrable forests, and traverses the most 
dismal swamps and deserts, for several hundreds of miles, bear- 
ing the inclemency of the season, the fatigue of the expedition, 
the extremes of hunger and thirst, with patience and cheerful- 
ness, in hopes of surprising his enemy, on whom he exercises 
the most shocking barbarities, even to the eating of his flesh. 
To such extremes do the Indians extend their friendship and 
their enmity ; and such indeed is the character of all strong 
uncultivated minds. 

56. The treatment of their dead shows, in glowing colors, 
the strength of their friendship, and warm attachment to their 
departed friends. When any one of the society is cut ofT, he 
is lamented by the whole ; on this occasion, a variety of cere- 
monies are performed. The body is washed, anointed, and 
painted. Then the women lament the loss with hideous bowl- 
ings, intermixed with songs, which celebrate the great actions 
of the deceased and his ancestors. The men mourn also, 
though in a less extravagant manner. The whole village is 
present at the interment, and the corpse is habited in the most 
sumptuous oriiaments. 

57. Close to the body of the deceased are placed his bow 
and arrows, and other weapons of war, with whatever he val- 
ued most in his life-time, and a quantity of provisions for his 
subsistence on the journey which he is supposed to take. This 
solemnity, like every other, is attended with feasting. The 



212 HISTORY OF 

funeral being ended, the relations of the deceased confine them- 
selves to their huts, for a considerable time, to indulge their 
grief. After an interval of some weeks, they visit the grave, 
and repeat their sorrow, new clothe the remains of the body, 
and act over again all the solemnities of the funeral. 

58. The most remarkable funeral ceremony is what they 
call the feast of the dead, or the feast of souls. The day for 
this ceremony is appointed in the assembly of their chiefs, who 
give the necessary orders for every thing that may conduce to 
the pomp and magnificence of its celebration ; and the neigh- 
boring nations are invited to partake of the entertainment. At 
this time, all who have died since the preceding feast of the 
kind, are taken out of their graves : even those who have been 
interred at the greatest distance from the villages, are diligently 
looked for, and conducted to this general rendezvous of the 
dead, which exhibits a scene of horror beyond the power of 
description. When the feast is concluded, the bodies are drest 
in the finest skins which can be procured, and after being ex- 
posed for some time in this pomp, are again committed to the 
earth, with great solemnity, which is succeeded by funeral 
games. 

59. Their taste for war, the most striking characteristic of 
an Indian, gives a strong bias to their religion. The god of 
war, whom they call Areskoui, is i^evered as the great god of 
their people. Him they invoke before they go into the field. 
Some nations worship the sun and moon, as symbols of the 
power of the great spirit. There are among them traditions 
of the creation of the world, of Noah's flood, &c. Like all 
rude nations, they are strongly addicted to superstition. They 
believe in the existence of a number of good and bad genii, or 
spirits, who interfere in the affairs of mortals, and produce all 
our happiness or misery. It is from the evil genii in particular 
they imagine all our diseases proceed ; and it is to the good 
genii to whom we are indebted for a cure. 

60. Their priests or jugglers are supposed to be inspired by 
the good genii, in their dreams, with the knowledge of future 
events ; they are called in to the assistance of the sick, and arc 
supposed to know the event, and in what way they must be 
treated. But these priests appear to be extremely simple in their 
system of physic ; in almost every disease they prescribe the 
same remedy. The patient is inclosed in a narrow cabin, in 
the midst of which a large stone is made red-hot ; on this they 
throw water, the steam produces a profuse sudorific, they then 
hurry him from this hot bath, and plunge him instantly into the 



AMERICA. 213 

adjacent creek or river. This method, although it costs many 
their lives, often performs many remarkable cures. 

61. They are known, however, to have considerable know- 
ledge in the vegetable kingdom, and the white inhabitants are 
indebted to them for the knowledge of many powerful plants 
as restoratives, and antidotes to the poison of reptiles, with 
which the woods in many parts of America abound. 

62. Although the Indian women generally bear the labori- 
ous part of domestic economy, their condition am.ong the tribes 
of North America is far from being so wretched, so slavish 
and depressed, as has been represented by Dr. Robertson and 
other writers. " Their employment," says Dr. Barton, " is 
chiefly in their houses, except when they are raising their crops 
of maize, or Indian corn, at which times they generally go out 
to assist their husbands and parents, but they are not compelled 
to do this." " You may depend on my assertion," says he, 
*' that there are no persons who love their women more than 
these people do, or men of better understanding, in distinguish- 
ing the merits of the opposite sex, or men more faithful in ren- 
dering suitable compensation. They are courteous and polite 
to their women, tender, gentle, and fond, even to an appearance 
of effeminacy. An Indian man seldom attempts to use a wo- 
man of any description with indelicacy, either of action or 
language." I wish we could adopt the same language when 
speaking of the young men of the present age, who would think 
it a disparagement to be compared with the untutored savage 
of the wilderness. 

63. In the hunting seasons, that is, in autumn and winter, 
when the men are out in the forest, the whole care of the house 
or family rests upon the woman ; at these times they undergo 
much care and fatigue, as cutting wood, dec. but this labor is 
in part relieved by the old men, whose vigor is so far dimin- 
ished as not to be able to sustain the fatigues of hunting, or the 
toils of martial achievements. But nothing shows the import- 
ance and respectability of the women among the Indians more 
than the custom many of the tribes observe, of letting their 
women preside in the councils of their country : to this we may 
add, that several of the Florida nations have been sometimes 
governed by the wisdom and prudence of female caziques. 

64. Liberty, in its fullest extent, being the darling passion 
of the Indians, their education is directed in such a manner as 
to cherish this disposition to the utmost. Hence their children 
are never chastised with blows, and they are seldom even repri- 
manded. Reason, they say, will guide their children when they 



214 HISTORY OF 

come to the use of it, and before that time their fauhs cannot 
be very great : but blows might damp their fierce and martial 
spirit, by the habit of a slavish motive to action. When grown 
up, they experience nothing like command, dependence, or sub- 
ordination ; even strong persuasion is avoided by those who 
have influence among them. No man is held in great esteem, 
unless he has increased the strength of his country with a cap- 
tive, or adorned his hat with a scalp of one of his enemies. 

65. Controversies among the Indians are few, and quickly 
decided. When any criminal matter is so flagrant as to be- 
come a national concern, it is brought under the jurisdiction of 
the great council ; but in common cases the parties settle the 
dispute between themselves. If a murder be committed, the 
family which has lost a relation prepares to retaliate on that 
of the offender. They often kill the murderer : and when this 
happens, which is but seldom, the kindred of the last person 
slain look upon themselves as much injured, and to have the 
same right to vengeance as the other party. 

66. It is common, however, for the offender to absent him- 
self; his friends send compliments of condolence to those of 
the person who has been murdered. The head of the family 
at length appears, with a number of presents, the delivery of 
which he accompanies with a formal speech : the whole ends 
as usual in mutual feastings, in songs, and in dances. If the 
murder be committed by one of the same family or cabin, that 
family has the full right of judgment within itself; either to 
punish the guilty with death, or to pardon him ; or to oblige 
him to give some recompense to the wife and children of the 
deceased. Instances of this kind are very rare, for their attach- 
ment to those of the same family is so remarkably strong, that it 
may vie with the most celebrated friendships of fabulous antiquity. 

67. Such, in general, were the customs and manners of the 
Indians : but almost every tribe has something peculiar to itself; 
and perhaps, with respect to some of them, their ferocity may 
be abated, or their usages in some degree modified, by their in- 
tercourse with civilized men. Among the Hurons and the 
Natchez, the dignity of the chief is said to be hereditary, and 
the right of succession is in the female line. When this happens 
to be extinct, the most reputable matron of the tribe, we are in- 
formed, makes a choice of whom she pleases to succeed. 

68. The Cherokees are governed by several Sachems, or 
chiefs, elected by the different villages, as are also the Creeks 
and the Chactaws : the two latter punish infidelity to the mar- 
riage bed in a woman by cutting off her hair ; which they will 



AMERICA. 215 

not suffer to grow, until corn is ripe, the next season ; but the 
Illinois, for the same crime, cut off* the nose and ears. 

69. The Indians on the upper lakes are formed into a sort 
of empire. The emperor is elected from the eldest tribe, which 
is the Ottawas; this authority is very considerable. A few- 
years ago, the person who held this rank, formed a design of 
uniting all the Indian nations under his sovereignty ; but this 
bold attempt proved unsuccessful. 

70. In general, the Indians of America live to a great age, 
although it is difficult to obtain from them an exact account of 
the number of their years. It was asked of one who appeared 
extremely old, what age he was of. " I am above twenty," said 
he ; but, upon putting the question in a different manner, and 
reminding him of former times, and some particular circum- 
stances, " My machee,'^ said he, " spoke to me when I was 
young, of the Incas : and he had seen those princes." Accord- 
ing to this reply, there must have elapsed from the date of his 
machee's or grandfather's remembrance to that time 232 years. 
The Indian who made this reply, appeared to be 120 years of 
age : for besides the whiteness of hair and beard, his body was 
almost bent to the ground ; without showing any other mark 
of debility, or sutfering. This happened in 1764. 

71. This longevity, and state of uninterrupted health, is 
thought by some to be the consequence, in part, of their va- 
cancy from all serious thought and employment ; joined also 
with their robust texture, and formation of their bodily organs. 
Were the Indians to abstain from spiritous liquors, and their 
destructive wars, of all races of men who inhabit the globe, 
they would be the most likely to extend the bounds and enjoy- 
ments of animal life to their utmost duration. 

72. Before we take our leave of the Indian natives, let us 
attend to some other accounts which will set their character in 
a clearer and stronger point of view, and rescue it from that 
degradation and obscurity, in which some Spanish historians 
have endeavored to envelop it. 

73. Their friendships are strong, and faithful to the last ex. 
tremity ; of which no farther proof need be adduced, than the 
following anecdote of the late colonel Byrd, of Virginia, who 
was sent to the Cherokee nation, to transact some business 
with them. It happened that some of our disorderly people had 
just killed one or two of that nation. It was therefore proposed 
in their council, that colonel Byrd should be put to death, in 
revenge for the loss of their countrymen. Among them was a 
chief called Siloue, who, on some former occasion, had con- 



216 HISTORY OF 

tracted an acquaintance and friendship with colonel Byrd. He 
came to him every night in his tent, and told him not to be 
afraid, for they should not kill him. After many days' delibe- 
ration, contrary to Siloue's expectations, the determination of 
the council was, that Byrd should be put to death ; and some 
warriors were dispatched as executioners. Siloue attended 
them, and when they entered the tent, he threw himself between 
them and Byrd, and said to the warriors, " This man is my 
friend ; before you get at him, you must kill me." On which 
they returned, and the council respected the principle so much 
as to recede from their determination. 

74. Of their bravery and address in war, we have had suffi- 
cient proofs ; of their eminence in oratory, we have fewer ex- 
amples, because it is chiefly displayed in their own councils. 
One we have of superior lustre : the speech of Logan, a Min- 
goe chief, to Lord Dunmore, when governor of Virginia, at the 
close of a war in which the Shawanese, Mingoes, and Dela- 
wares were united. 

75. The Indians were defeated by the Virginia militia, and 
sued for peace. Logan disdained to be among the suppliants ; 
but lest the sincerity of a treaty should be distrusted from which 
so distinguished a chief absented himself, he sent, by a messen- 
ger, the following speech to Lord Dunmore : " I appeal to any 
white man to say if he ever entered Logan's cabin hungry, 
and he gave him not meat ; if ever he came cold and naked, 
and he clothed him not. During the course of the last long 
and bloody war, Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate 
for peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my country- 
men, as they passed, pointed and said, ' Logan is the friend of 
the white men.' I had even thought to have lived with you, but 
for the injuries done by one man. Colonel Cresap, the last 
spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the rela- 
tions of Logan, not even sparing my women and children. 
There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living 
creature. This called on me for revenge. I have sought it ; 
I have killed many ; I have fully glutted my vengeance ; 
for my country I rejoice at the beams of peace ; but do not 
harbor a thought that mine is the joy of fear ; Logan never 
knew fear ; he will not turn on his heel, to save his life. Who 
is left to mourn for Logan ? not one." 

76. Another anecdote ia favor of the Indian character, re- 
lated by Doctor Benjamin Franklin, deserves a place in this his- 
tory. Conrad Weiser, a celebrated interpreter of Indian lan- 
guages, who had been naturalized among the Six Nations, and 



AMERICA. 217 

spoke the Mohawk language well, gave Franklin the following 
account. 

77. He was sent by our governor on a message to the coun- 
cil at Onondago : he called at the habitation of Canassetago, an 
old acquaintance, who embraced him, spread furs for him to 
sit on, placed before him some boiled beans and venison, and 
mixed some rum and water for his drink ; when he was well 
refreshed, and had lighted his pipe, Canassetago began to con- 
verse with him ; asked how he had fared the many years since 
they had seen each other ; whence he came, and what had oc- 
casioned his journey, &ic. Conrad answered all his questions, 
and when the discourse began to flag, the Indian, to continue 
it, said, " Conrad, you have lived long among the white people, 
and kno-vv something of their customs : I have been sometimes 
at Albany, and have observ^ed that once in seven days they 
shut up their shops, and all assemble in the great house ; tell 
me what it is for, and what it is they do there." 

78. " They meet there," says Conrad, " to hear and learn 
good things." " I do not doubt," said the Indian, " that they 
tell you so, for they have told me the same ; but I doubt the 
truth of what they say, and I will tell you my reasons. I went 
lately to Albany, to sell my skins and buy blankets, knives, 
powder, and rum. You know I generally used to deal with 
Hans Hanson ; but I was a little inclined this time to try some 
other merchants. However, I called first upon Hans, and asked 
what he would give for beaver. ' He said he would not give 
more than four shillings a pound, but I cannot talk on this busi- 
ness now, this is the day we meet together to learn good things ; 
and I am going to the meeting.' So I thought to myself, since 
I cannot do any business to-day, I may as well go to the meet- 
ing too ; and I went with him. There stood up a man in black, 
and began to talk to the people very angrily. I did not under- 
stand what he said ; but perceiving he looked much at me, and 
at Hanson, I imagined he was angry at seeing me there; so I 
went out, sat down near the house, struck fire, and lit my pipe, 
waiting till the meeting should break up. I thought too that 
the man had mentioned something about beaver, and suspected 
that it might be the subject of their meeting. So when they 
came out — ' Well, Hans,' says I, ' I hope you have agreed to 
give me more than four shiUings a pound.' ' No,' says he, ' I 
cannot give so much, I cannot give more than three shillings 
and six-pence.' I then spoke to several other dealers, but they 
all sung the same song, three and six-pence, three and six- 
pence. This made it clear to me, that my suspicion was right ; 

T 



218 HISTORY OF 

and whatever Ihey pretended, meeting to learn good things, the 
real purpose was to consult how to cheat Indians in the price 
of beaver. Consider but a little, Conrad, and you must be of 
my opinion. If they met so often to learn good things, they 
certainly would have learned some before this time. But they 
are still ignorant. You know our practice, if a white man, 
travelling through our country, enter one of our cabins, we 
all treat him as I treat you ; we dry him if he be wet, we warm 
him if he be cold, and give him meat and drink, that he may 
satisfy his thirst and hunger ; and we spread soft furs for him 
to rest and sleep upon : we demand nothing in return. But if 
I go into a white man's house in Albany, and ask for victuals 
and drink, they ask, where is your money ? and if I have none, 
they say, get out, you Indian dog! You see they have not 
learned those little good things, that we need no meetings to 
be instructed in, because our mothers taught them to us when 
we were children ; and therefore it is impossible their meetings 
should be as they say, for any such purpose, or have any such 
effect ; they are only to contrive the cheating of Indians in the 
price of their beaver." 

79. I appeal to every sensible professor of Christianity, if 
there be not more force in the reasoning of this unlettered in- 
habitant of the wilderness, than in many of the elaborate dis- 
courses of the learned divines amongst us, though embellished 
with all the ornaments of modern elocution. 

80. I shall close the Indian character with a short extract, 
with some small variations, from a letter of the justly cele- 
brated William Penn, the founder of Pennsylvania ; who, in 
the early part of the settlement of America, had an opportu- 
nity of observing their customs and manner of hfe, before they 
had been changed by so frequent an intercourse with Europe- 
ans. He describes their persons, manners, language, religion, 
and government in the following manner : " They are gene- 
rally tall, straight, well-built, and of singular proportion ; they 
tread strong and clever, and mostly walk with a lofty chin : of 
complexion, brown as the gypsies in England. They grease 
themselves with bear's fat clarified ; and using no defence 
against the sun and weather, their skins must needs be swarthy : 
their eyes are little and black. 

81. "I have seen as comely European-like faces among them, 
as on your side of the sea. An Italian complexion has not 
much more of the white ; and the noses of many of them have 
as much of the Roman. Their language is lofty, yet narrow : 
but, like the Hebrew, in signification, full ; like short- hand in 



AMERICA. 219 

writing, one word serves in the place of three, and the rest are 
supplied by the understanding of the hearer ; imperfect in their 
tenses, wanting in their moods, participles, adverbs, conjunc- 
tions, and interjections : I have made it my business to under- 
stand it, that I might not want an interpreter on any occasion : 
and I must say that I know not a language spoken in Europe, 
that has words of more sweetness or greatness in accent and 
emphasis than theirs. 

82. " Their children, as soon as they are born, are washed 
in water, and while young, they plunge them into rivers in cold 
weather, to harden and embolden them. Having wrapt them 
in a cloth, they lay them on a straight thin board, a little more 
than the length and breadth of the child, and swaddle it fast 
upon the board, to make it straight, and thus they carry them 
at their backs. The children will walk when very young, in 
general, at nine months ; they wear only a cloth round their 
waist, till they are grown up : if boys, they go fishing, till 
ripe for the woods, which is about fifteen ; they then hunt ; and 
after having given some proofs of their manhood, by a good 
return of skins, they may marry ; otherwise it is a shame to 
think of a wife. The girls stay with their mothers, and help 
to hoe the ground, plant corn, and carry burdens. When the 
young women are fit for marriage, they wear something on 
their heads for advertisement, but so as their faces are hardly 
to be seen, except when they please." 

83. " Their houses are made of poles stuck in the ground, 
covered with mats and bark, in the fashion of an English barn ; 
their beds are reeds, grass, or skins. If an European comes to 
see them, or calls for lodging at their house or wigwam, they 
give him the best place, and first cut. If they come to visit the 
white inhabitants, their salutation is commonly, Itah ! which is 
as much as to say, good be to you ! and sit them down, which 
is mostly on the ground ; sometimes not speaking a word, but 
observe all that passes." 

84. " If you give them any thing to eat or drink, it is well, for 
they will not ask ; and, if it be little or much, if it be with 
kindness they are well pleased ; else they go away sullen, but 
say nothing. In liberality they excel ; nothing is too good for 
their friend. Light of heart, strong aflfections, but soon spent : 
they are the most merry creatures that live ; they feast and 
dance perpetually ; they never have much, nor do they want 
much. If they are ignorant of our pleasures, they are free 
from our pains. We labor and toil to live ; their pleasure feeds 
them ; I mean their hunting, fishing, and fowling ; and their ta- 



220 HISTORY OF 

ble is spread everywhere ; they eat twice a day, morning and 
evening. In sickness, impatient to be cured, and for it give any 
thing, especially to their children, to whom they are extremely 
attached." 

85. ^' They are great concealers of their own resentments. 
A tragical instance happened since I came into the country : — 
A chief's daughter thinking herself shghted by her husband, in 
suffering another woman to lie down between them, rose up, 
went out, plucked a root out of the ground and ate it ; upon 
which she immediately died : and for which he, some time af- 
ter, made an offering to her kindred, for atonement and liberty 
of marriage ; as two others did to the kindred of their wives, 
who died a natural death : for until the widowers have done so 
they must not marry again." 

86. " They believe in God and immortality, without the help 
of metaphysics ; for they say, ' There is a great King that 
made them, who dwells in a glorious country to the southward 
of them, and the souls of the good shall go thither ; where they 
shall live again.' Their worship consists of two parts, viz. 
Sacrifice and Cantico. Their sacrifice is the first fruits ; the 
first and fattest buck they kill, they put on the fire, where he is 
all burned ; and he that performs the ceremony sings, at the 
same time, a mournful ditty, but with such marvellous ferment, 
and labor of body, that he will perspire even to a foam. The 
other part is their Cantico, performed by round dances, some- 
times words, sometimes songs, then shouts ; and two, being the 
first that begin, by singing and drumming on a board direct 
the chorus ; their postures in the dance are very antic, and dif- 
ferent, but all keep measure. This is done with equal earnest- 
ness, but great appearance of joy." 

87. " In the fall, when the corn is gathered in, they begin to 
feast with each other : there have been two great festivals already, 
to which all come that will; I was at one myself; their enter- 
tainment was a great seat by a spring, under some shady trees, 
and twenty bucks, with hot cakes of new corn, both wheat and 
beans, which they made up in a square form, in the leaves of 
the stem, and baked them in ashes ; and after that they proceed 
to dancing. But they that go must carry a small present in 
their money (wampum), it may be six-pence, which is made of 
the bone of a fish ; the black is with them as gold, the white 
silver." 

88. This account of the natives, notwithstanding it, in some 
respects, differs from what has been observed by other writers, 
is valuable because derived from personal observation, and may 



AMERICA. 221 

serve to establish the most prominent features of their char- 
acter, as already exhibited. 

89. Notwithstanding the many settlements of Europeans in 
this continent, some parts of America remain imperfectly known. 
The northern continent contains the British colonies of Hudson's 
Bay, Canada, New-Brunswick, and Nova Scotia : the United 
States — viz. Massachusetts, Maine, New-York, New-Jersey, 
New-Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, Penn- 
sylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South 
Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi Territory, Tennessee, Kentucky, 
Ohio, and Northwestern Territory ; Louisiana, including the 
Island of New Orleans, purchased of the French, East and 
West Florida, New Mexico, California and Mexico : besides 
these there are immense regions to the west and north, inhab- 
ited by the Uskemeaux, the Columbias, the Cherokees, the Chick- 
asaws, the Chactaws, the Creeks, and many other tribes of In- 
dians. Vast tracts of the inland parts are comprehended under 
the general name of Amazonia. A large district, also, inhabited 
by the aborigines, lies on the east side of the southern continent, 
between the Strait of Magellan and the province of Paraguay. 

90. This vast country produces many of the metals, mine- 
rals, plants, fruits, trees, and wood, to be met with in other 
parts of the globe, and many of them in greater quantities, and 
in high perfection. America has supplied Europe with such 
large quantities of gold and silver, that these precious metals 
have become very much diminished in value to what they were 
before America was discovered : it also produces diamonds, 
pearls, emeralds, and amethysts. 

91. Although the Indians still live in the quiet possession of 
many large tracts, America was chiefly claimed by three Eu- 
ropean nations, and divided into colonies, viz. the Spaniards, 
English, and Portuguese. The Spaniards, as they first discov- 
ered it, had the largest and richest portion. Next to Spain, 
the most considerable proprietor was Great Britain, who derived 
her claim to North America from the first discovery of the 
continent by Sebastian Cabot, in the name of Henry the sev- 
enth, in the year 1497, about six years after the discovery of 
South America by Columbus. 

92. This country was, in general, called Newfoundland, un- 
til Americus Vespucius, a Florentine, who accompanied Ojeda, 
a Spanish adventurer, on a voyage of discovery ; he having 
drawn up an entertaining history of his voyage, it was pub- 
lished and read with avidity. In his narrative he had the ar- 
tifice to insinuate, that he was the first who discovered the New 

T2 



222 HISTORY OF 

World. Many of his readers gave credit to the insinuation, and 
from him it assumed the name of America. The original name 
of Newfoundland is now appropriated to an island on the north 
coast. It was a long time before the English made an attempt to 
settle in this country. Sir Walter Raleigh, an uncommon genius, 
and a brave commander, first led the way, by planting a colony, 
and naming it Virginia, in honor of queen Elizabeth. 

93. The French, from this period, until the conclusion of the 
war in 1763, laid claim to Canada and Louisiana ; and all that 
extensive country, reaching from Hudson's Bay, on the north, 
*to Mexico, and the gulf of the same name, on the south. But 
in that war, they were not only driven from Canada, and its 
dependencies, but obliged .to relinquish all that part of Louisiana 
lying on the east side of the Mississippi. Thus the British col- 
onies were preserved, secured, and extended so far as to render 
it difficult to ascertain the precise bounds of empire in North 
America. To the northward they might have extended their 
claims quite to the pole, nor did any nation show a disposition 
to dispute the property of this northern country with them. 
From that extremity they had a territory extending southward 
to Cape Florida, in the Gulf of Mexico, in the latitude of 25° 
north : and consequently near 4000 miles long in a direct line ; 
and to the westward, their boundaries reached to nations un- 
known, even to the Indians of Canada. 

94. Of the revolution that has since taken place, by which 
a great part of these territories have been separated from the 
British empire, and which has given a new face to the western 
world, an impartial narrative shall be attempted. It will, how- 
ever, be difficult to avoid some errors ; the accounts from which 
the historian must derive his information, partake too much of 
prejudice, and the fabrications of party ; and they want that 
amelioration which time alone can give. 

95. The state of the British colonies, at the conclusion of the 
war in 1763, was such as attracted the attention of all the pol- 
iticians in Europe. At that period, their flourishing condition 
was remarkable and striking : their trade had prospered and 
extended, notwithstanding the difficulties and distresses of the 
war. Their population increased : they abounded with spirited 
and enterprising individuals, of all denominations ; they were 
elated with the uncommon success that had attended their com- 
mercial and military transactions. Hence they were ready for 
every undertaking, and perceived no limits to their hopes and 
expectations. 

96. They entertained the highest opinion of their value and 



AMERICA. 223 

importance, and of the immense benefit that Britain derived 
from its connexion with them ; their notions were equally high 
in their own favor. They deemed themselves entitled to every 
kindness and indulgence which the mother country could be- 
stow. Although their pretensions did not amount to perfect 
equality of advantages and privileges in matters of commerce, 
yet in those of government they thought themselves fully com- 
petent to the task of conducting their domestic concerns, with- 
out any interference from the parent state. 

97. Though willing to admit the supremacy of Great Britain, 
they viewed it with a suspicious eye, and were solicitous to re- 
strain it within its strict constitutional bounds. Their improve- 
ments in necessary and useful arts, did honor to their industry 
and ingenuity. Though they did not live in the luxuries of 
Europe, they had all the solid and substantial enjoyments of 
life, and were not unacquainted with many of its elegancies 
and refinements. Notwithstanding their peculiar addiction to 
those occupations, of which wealth is the sole object, they were 
duly attentive to promote the liberal sciences ; and they have, 
ever since their first foundation, been particularly careful to 
provide for the education of the rising generation. 

98. Their vast augmentation of internal trade and external 
commerce, was not merely owing to their position and facility 
of communication with other parts ; it arose also from their 
natural turn and temper : full of schemes and projects ; ever 
aiming at new discoveries, and continually employed in the 
search of means to improve their condition. This carried them 
into every quarter, whence profit could be derived ; there was 
scarcely any port of the American hemisphere to which they 
had not extended their navigation. They were continually ex- 
ploring new sources of trade. 

99. To this extensive and continual application to commerce, 
they added an equal vigilance in the administration of their af- 
fairs at home. The same indefatigable industry was employed 
in cultivating the soil they possessed, and in the improvement 
of their domestic circumstances ; so that it may be truly said, 
they made the most of Nature's gifts. 

100. In the midst of this solicitude and toil in matters of 
business, the affairs of government were conducted with a steadi- 
ness, prudence, and lenity seldom experienced, and never ex- 
ceeded, in the best regulated countries in Europe. Such was 
the situation of the British colonies, in general, throughout 
North America ; and of the New-England provinces in par- 
ticular, at the close of the war in 1763. 



224 HISTORY OF 

101. In treating of the American revolution, the Enghsh 
writers ascribe that event to the successful intrigues of the 
French government ; they appear willing to search for the ori- 
gin in any other source than their own misconduct. It has 
therefore been repeatedly asserted, " that the French, having 
long viewed with envy and apprehension the flourishing state 
of the colonies which Britain had founded in America, began, 
immediately after the peace of Paris, to carry into execution 
their design of separating the colonies from the mother coun- 
try. Secret emissaries, it is said, were employed in spreading 
dissatisfaction among the colonists ; and the effects produced by 
these machinating spirits, are described to have been a rapid 
diminution of that warm attachment which the inhabitants of 
North America had hitherto demonstrated towards the mother 
country." 

102. That such emissaries were ever employed, is a fact un- 
supported by any document which the purity of historical truth 
can admit ; and although the effects here described had cer- 
tainly appeared, it must be remembered, that their appearance 
followed, but did not precede, the attempts of Britain upon the 
rights and liberties of North America. 

103. That the French should succeed in the arts of intrigue, 
so far as to alienate the affections of the colonists from the 
mother country, and at the close of a war, in which their in- 
terests and feelings had been interwoven with more than usual 
strength and energy, was not in any sense probable. But if 
we trace these effects to another cause, to a love of liberty, and 
a quick sense of injury, their appearance will be natural and 
just ; consistent with the American character, and correspond- 
ing with the conduct which was displayed in all the various 
changes that attended their opposition. 

104. In March, 1764, a bill was passed in the British parlia- 
ment, by which heavy duties were laid on goods imported by 
the colonists from such West-India islands as did not belong to 
Great Britain : and that these duties were to be paid into the 
exchequer, in specie ; and in the same session another bill was 
framed, to restrain the currency of paper-money in the colo- 
nies. Not only the principle of taxation, but the mode of col- 
lection was considered as an unconstitutional and oppressive 
innovation, as the penalties incurred by an infraction of the 
acts of parliament, were to be recovered in courts of admi- 
ralty, before a single judge, whose salary was to be the fruit 
of the forfeitures he should decree. 

105. These acts threw the whole country into a ferment. 



AMERICA. 225 

Vehement remonstrances were made to the ministry, and every 
argument made use of that reason or ingenuity could suggest, 
but without any good effect ; their reasoning, however, con- 
vinced a great number of people in Britain ; and thus the Amer- 
ican cause came to be considered as the cause of liberty. 

106. The Americans, finding that all their remonstrances 
were fruitless, at last united in an agreement not to import any 
more of the British manufactures, but to encourage to the ut- 
most of their power every useful manufacture among them- 
selves. Thus the British manufacturers became a party against 
the ministry, and expressed their resentment in strong terms ; 
but the ministry were not to be easily daunted ; and therefore 
proceeded to the last step of their intended plan, which was to 
lay on stamp-duties throughout the continent. 

107. Previous to this, several regulations were made in favor 
of the commerce of the colonies ; but they had imbibed such 
unfavorable impressions of the British ministry, that they paid 
very little regard to any thing pretended to be done in their 
favor ; or, if these acts had made any favorable impressions, 
the stamp-act at once obliterated every sentiment of that na- 
ture. 

108. The reason given for this exceedingly obnoxious act, 
was, that a sum might be raised sufficient for the defence of 
the colonies against a foreign enemy ; but this pretence was so 
far from giving satisfaction to the Americans, that it excited 
their indignation to the utmost. They not only asserted that 
they, were abundantly able to defend themselves, but denied the 
right of the British parliament to tax them at all. 

109. To enter into the arguments of the contending parties 
upon this occasion, would be superfluous. It was manifest that 
the matter was not to be decided but by the force of arms : and 
the British ministry, confident of the authority and power of 
their country, were disposed to carry on matters with such a 
high hand, as to terrify the colonists into submission, or com- 
pel them by force. 

CHAPTER XI. 

STAMP ACT PASSED. AN ACT OF PARLIAMENT OPPOSED. 

TUMULT AT BOSTON. TROOPS ARRIVE THERE. BOSTONIANS 

DESTROY THE TEA. MEETING OF THE FIRST CONGRESS. 

110. The Stamp act, after a violent opposition in parliament, 
was passed, and its reception in America was such as might 
have been expected. The news, and the act itself, first arrived 



226 HISTORY OF 

at Boston, where the bells were muffled, and rung a funeral 
peal. The act was first hawked about the streets, with a death's 
head affixed to it, and styled *' The folly of England, and the 
ruin of America.'''' It was afterwards publicly burned by the 
enraged populace ; the stamps were seized and destroyed, un- 
less brought on board of men-of-war, or kept in fortified places. 
Those who were to receive the stamp duties were compelled to 
resign their offices ; and such of the Americans as favored the 
government on this occasion, had their houses plundered and 
burned. 

111. Though these outrages were committed by the multi- 
tude, they were connived at by those of superior rank, who af- 
terwards openly patronized them ; and the doctrine became 
general and openly avowed, that Britain had no right to tax the 
colonies without their own consent. The ministry now found 
it absolutely necessary, either to yield to the Americans, by re- 
pealing the obnoxious laws, or to enforce them by arms. 

112. The ferment had become general through the colonies. 
Virginia first, and afterwards all the rest of the provinces, de- 
clared against the right of Britain to tax America ; and, that 
every attempt to vest others with this power, besides the king, 
or the governor of the province, and his general assembly, was 
illegal, unconstitutional, and unjust. Non-importation agree- 
ments were everywhere entered into ; and it was resolved, to 
prevent the sale of any more British goods after the present 
year. 

113. American manufactures, though dearer, and also infe- 
rior in quality to the British, were universally preferred. An 
association was also entered into against eating of lamb, in or- 
der to promote the growth of wool ; and the ladies agreed to 
renounce the use of every kind of ornament imported from 
Great Britain. Such a general and alarming confederacy deter- 
mined the ministry to repeal some of the most obnoxious acts; 
and to this they were the more inclined by a petition from the 
first American Congress, held at New- York in 1765. 

114. The stamp-act was therefore repealed, to the universal 
joy of the Americans, as well as to the general satisfaction of 
the English, whose manufactures had begun to suffer in conse- 
quence of American associations against them. The disputes 
on the subject, however, were by no means silenced ; every one 
continued to argue the case as violently as ever. Dr. Benjamin 
Franklin was, on this occasion, examined before the house of 
commons ; and his opinion was, in substance, as follows : " That 
the tax in question was impracticable and ruinous. The very 



AMERICA. 227 

attempt had so far alienated the affection of the colonies, that 
they behaved in a less friendly manner towards the natives of 
England than before, considering the whole nation as conspir- 
ing against their liberty, and the parliament as more willing to 
oppress than to assist and support them. America, in fact, did 
not stand in any need of British manufactures, having already 
begun to construct such as might be deemed absolutely neces- 
sary, and that with such success, as left no doubt of their ar- 
riving, in a short time, at perfection. The elegancies of dress 
had already been renounced for American manufactures, though 
much inferior ; and the bulk of the people, consisting of farm- 
ers, were such as could in no way be affected by the want of 
British commodities, as having every necessary within them- 
selves : materials of all kinds were to be had in plenty ; the 
wool was fine, flax grew in great abundance, and iron was every- 
where to be met with." 

115. The Doctor also insisted, that "the Americans had 
been greatly misrepresented ; that they had been traduced as 
void of gratitude and affection to the parent state ; than which 
nothing could be more contrary to truth. In the war in 1755, 
they had, at their own expense, raised an army of 25,000 men ; 
and that they assisted the British expeditions against South 
America, with several thousand men : and had made many 
brave exertions against the French in North America." 

116. "It was said that the war of 1755 had been under- 
taken in defence of the colonies ; but the truth was, that it ori- 
ginated from a contest about the limits between Canada and 
Nova Scotia, and in defence of the English rights to trade on 
the Ohio. The Americans, however, would still continue to act 
with their usual fidelity ; and were any war to break out in 
which they had no concern, they would be as ready as ever to 
assist the parent state to the ^utmost of their power, and would 
not fail to manifest their ready acquiescence in contributing to 
the emergencies of government, when called to do so in a reg- 
ular and constitutional manner." 

] 17. The ministry were conscious that in repealing this ob- 
noxious act, they yielded to the Americans ; and, therefore, to 
support, as they thought, the dignity of Great Britain, it was 
judged proper to publish a declaratory bill, setting forth the au- 
thority of the mother country over the colonies, and her power 
to bind them by laws and statutes in all cases whatsoever. This 
much diminished the joy with which the repeal of the stamp- 
act was received in America. It was considered a proper rea- 
son to enforce any claims equally prejudicial with the stamp- 



228 HISTORY OF 

act, which might hereafter be set up : a spirit of jealousy per- 
vaded the whole continent, and a strong party was formed, to 
guard against the encroachments of British power. 

118. It was not long before an occasion offered, in which the 
Americans manifested a spirit of absolute independency ; and 
that instead of being bound by the British legislature in all 
cases whatsoever, they would not be controlled by it in the most 
trivial affairs. The Rockingham ministry had passed an act, 
providing the troops stationed in different parts of the colonies 
with such accommodations as were necessary for them. The 
assembly of New- York, however, took upon them to alter the 
mode of execution prescribed by the act of parliament, and to 
substitute one of their own. 

119. This gave very great offence to the new ministry, and 
rendered them, though composed of those who had been active 
against the stamp bill, less favorable to the colonies, than they 
would otherwise have been. An unlucky circumstance at the 
same time occurred, which threw every thing once more into con- 
fusion. One of the new ministry, Charles Townshend, having 
declared that he could find a way of taxing America without 
giving offence ; was called upon to propose his plan. This was 
by imposing a duty upon tea, paper, painters' colors, and glass 
imported into x\merica. 

120. The conduct of the New-York assembly, respecting 
the troops, and that of Boston, which had proceeded in a simi- 
lar manner, caused this bill to meet with less opposition than 
otherwise it might have done. As a punishment to the refrac- 
tory assemblies, the legislative power was taken from New- 
York, until it should fully comply with the terms of the act. 
That of Boston, at last, submitted with reluctance. The bill 
for the new taxes quickly passed, and was sent lo America in 
1768. A ferment much greater than that occasioned by the 
stamp-act, now took place throughout the continent. The popu- 
lace renewed their outrages, and those of superior stations en- 
tered into regular combinations against it. 

121. Circular letters were sent from Massachusetts' colony 
to all the others, setting forth the injustice and impropriety of 
the behavior of the British legislature. Meetings were held in 
all the principal towns. It was proposed to lessen the consump- 
tion of all foreign manufactures, by giving proper encourage- 
ment to their own. Continual disputes ensued betwixt the gov- 
ernors and general assemblies, which were aggravated by a 
letter from lord Shelburne to governor Barnard, of Massachu- 
setts Bay, containing complaints of the people he governed. 



AMERICA. 229 

122. The assembly, exasperated to the highest degree, 
charged their governor with having misrepresented them at the 
court of Britain ; required him to produce copies of the letters 
he had sent ; and on his refusal, wrote letters to the English 
ministry, accusing him of misrepresentation and partiality, 
complaining at the same time most grievously of the proceed- 
ings of parliament, as utterly subversive of the liberties of 
America, and the rights of British subjects. 

123. The governor, at a loss how to defend himself, pro- 
rogued the assembly, and in his speech on the occasion, gave 
loose to his resentment, accusing the members of ambitious 
designs, incompatible with those of dutiful and loyal subjects. 
To counteract the circular letter of the province of Massachu- 
setts Bay, lord Hillsborough, secretary for the American depart- 
ment, sent another to the governors of the different colonies, 
reprobating that sent by the assembly of Massachusetts Bay, 
as full of misrepresentation, and tending to excite a rebellion 
against the parent state. 

124. Matters w^ere now drawing to a crisis. The governor 
had been ordered to proceed wdth vigor, and by no means show 
any disposition to yield to the people as formerly. In particu- 
lar, they were required to rescind that resolution by which they 
had written the circular letter above-mentioned ; and in case 
of a refusal, it was told them the assembly would be dissolved. 
As this letter had been framed by the resolutions of a former 
house, they desired, after a week's consultation, that a recess 
might be granted to consult with their constituents ; but this 
being refused, they came to a determination, 92 against 17, to 
adhere to the resolution which produced the circular letter. 

125. At the same time a letter was sent to lord Hillsborough, 
and a message to the governor, in justification of their proceed- 
ings. In both they expressed themselves with such freedom, 
as was by no means calculated to accord with the views of 
those in power. They insisted they had a right to communi- 
cate their sentiments to their fellow-subjects upon matters of 
importance ; complained of the requisition to rescind the cir- 
cular letter, as unconstitutional and unjust ; and insisted that 
they were represented as harboring seditious designs, when 
they were doing nothing but what was lawful and right. At 
the same time they condemned the late acts of parliament, as 
highly oppressive, and subversive of liberty. The whole was 
concluded by a list of accusations against their governor, repre- 
senting him as unfit to continue in his station, and petitioning 
the king for his removal from it. 

U 



230 HISTORY OF 

126. These proceedings were followed by a violent tumult 
at Boston. A vessel, belonging to a large merchant, had been 
seized in consequence of his having neglected some of the new 
regulations, and being taken under the protection of a man-of- 
war, at that time lying in the harbor, the populace attacked the 
houses of the excise officers, broke their windows, destroyed 
the collector's boats, and obliged the custom-house officers to 
take refuge in Castle William, on an island situated at the en- 
trance of the harbor. 

127. The governor now took the last step in his power to 
put a stop to the violent proceedings of the assembly, by dis- 
solving it entirely ; but this was of little moment. Their be- 
havior had been highly approved of by the other colonists, 'who 
had written letters to them, expressive of their approbation. 
After the dissolution of the assembly, frequent meetings were 
held by the people in Boston, which ended in a remonstrance 
to the governor, to the same purpose as some of the former ; 
but concluded with a request, that he would assume such au- 
thority as to order the king's ships out of the harbor. 

128. While the disposition of the Bostonians was thus going 
on from bad to worse, news arrived that the agent of the col- 
ony had not been allowed to deliver their petition to the king ; 
it having been objected, that the assembly without the governor 
was not sufficient authority. This did not allay the ferment ; 
it was further augmented, by the news that a number of troops 
had been ordered to repair to Boston, to keep the inhabitants in 
awe. A dreadful alarm now ensued ; the people called on the 
governor to convene a general assembly, in order to remove 
their fears of the military ; who, they said, were to be assembled 
to overthrow their liberties, and force obedience to the laws to 
which they v/ere entirely averse. 

129. The governor replied, it was no longer in his power to 
call an assembly, having, in his last instructions from England, 
been required to wait the king's orders ; the matter being then 
under consideration in England. Thus refused, the people took 
upon themselves to call an assembly, which they termed a con- 
vention. 

130. The proceedings and resolutions of this body partook 
of the temper and disposition of the late assembly ; but they 
went a step further : and having voted, " That there is appre- 
hension in the minds of many, of an approaching rupture with 
France," requested the inhabitants to put themselves in a pos- 
ture of defence against any sudden attack of an enemy ; and 
circular letters were directed to all the towns in the province, 



AMERICA. 231 

acquainting them with the resolutions that had been taken in 
the capital, and exhorting them to proceed in the same manner. 
The town of Hatfield alone refused its concurrence, 

131. The convention thought proper, however, to assure the 
governor of their pacific intentions, and renewed their request, 
that a general assembly might be called : but being refused an 
audience, and threatened to be treated as rebels, they at last 
thought proper to dissolve themselves, and sent over to Britain 
a circumstantial account of their proceedings, with the reason 
for having assembled in the manner already mentioned. 

132. On the very day the convention broke up, the troops 
arrived, and houses in the town were fitted up for their recep- 
tion. Their arrival had a considerable influence on the people, 
and for some time put a stop to the disturbances ; but the seeds 
of discord had taken such deep root, that it was impossible to 
quench the flame. The outrageous behavior of the people of 
Boston had given great offence in England ; and, notwithstand- 
ing all the efforts of opposition, an address from both houses of 
parliament was presented to the king ; in which the behavior 
of the colony of Massachusetts Bay was set forth in the most 
ample manner, and vigorous measures recommended for re- 
ducing them to obedience. The Americans, hov.ever, continued 
stedfast in the ideas they had adopted. 

133. Though the troops had, for some time, quieted the dis- 
turbances, yet the calm continued no longer than they were 
formidable on account of their numbers ; for, as soon as they 
were separated by the departure of a large detachment, the re- 
mainder were treated with contempt, and it was resolved to ex- 
pel them totally. The country people took up arms for this 
purpose, and were to have assisted their friends in Boston ; but 
before the plot could be put in execution, an event happened 
which put an end to every idea of reconciliation between the 
contending parties. 

134. On the 5th of March 1770, a scuflie happened between 
:he soldiers and a party of town's people; the inhabitants 
poured in to the assistance of their fellow-citizens ; a violent 
tumult ensued, during which the military firing upon the popu--_ 
lace, killed and wounded several of them. The whole province 
now rose in arms, and the soldiers were obliged to retire to Cas- 
:le William to prevent their being cut to pieces. But on the trial, 
notwithstanding popular prejudice and apprehension, the cap- 
:ain and six of the men were acquitted : two men only being 
X)und guilty of man-slaughter. 

135. In other respects, the determinations of the Americans 



232 HISTORY OF 

gained strength ; until at last the government determining to act 
with vigor, and, at the same time, with as much condescension 
as was consistent with its dignity, without abandoning their 
principles, repealed all the duties laid ; that on tea alone ex- 
cepted : and this, it was thought, could not be productive of any 
discontent in America, as being an affair of very little moment ; 
the produce of which was not expected to exceed sixteen thou- 
sand pounds sterling. 

136. The oppositionists were strenuous in their endeavors to 
get this tax repealed ; insisting, that the Americans would con- 
sider it as an inlet to others ; and, that the repeal of all the rest, 
without this, would answer no good purpose : the event showed 
that their opinion was well-founded. The Americans opposed 
the tea tax, with the same violence as they had done all the 
rest ; and when they were informed that salaries had been set- 
tled on the judges of the superior court of Boston, the governor 
was addressed on the subject ; the measure was condemned in 
the strongest terms ; and a committee selected out of the sev- 
eral districts of the colony to inquire into it. 

137. The new assembly proceeded in the most formal man- 
ner to disavow the supremacy of the British legislature, and ac- 
cused the parliament of Great Britain of having violated the 
natural rights of the Americans, in a number of instances. 
Copies of the transactions of this assembly, were transmitted 
to every town in Massachusetts, exhorting the inhabitants to 
rouse themselves, and exert every nerve in opposition to the 
iron hand of oppression, which was daily tearing the choicest 
fruits from the fair tree of liberty. 

138. These disturbances were also greatly heightened by an 
accidental discovery, that governor Hutchinson had written sev- 
eral confidential letters to persons in power, in England, com- 
plaining of the behavior of the people of the province, recom- 
mending vigorous measures against them, and asserting that 
" there must be an abridgment of what is called British liberty." 
Letters of this kind had fallen into the hands of the agent for 
the colony at London. They were immediately transmitted to 
Boston, where the assembly was sitting, by whom they were 
laid before the governor, who was thus reduced to a very mor- 
tifying situation. 

139. Losing every idea of respect or friendship for him, as 
their governor, they instantly dispatched a petition to the king, 
requesting him to remove the governor and deputy-governor 
from their places : but to this they not only received an unfa- 
vorable answer, but the petition itself was declared groundless 



AMERICA. 233 

and scandalous. Matters were now nearly ripe for the utmost 
extremities on the part of the Americans, and they were pre- 
cipitated in the following manner. 

140. Though the colonies hadientered into a non-importation 
agreement against tea, as well as all other commodities from 
Britain, it had nevertheless found its way into America, though 
in smaller quantities than before. This was sensibly felt by the 
East-India Company, who had now agreed to pay a large sum 
annually to government; in recompense for which compliance, 
and to make up their losses in other respects, they were em- 
powered to export their tea, free from any duty payable in 
England : and, in consequence of this permission, several ships 
freighted with this commodity were sent to North America, and 
proper agents appointed for taking charge of it. 

141. The Americans, now perceiving that the tax was thus 
likely to be enforced, whether they were willing or not, deter- 
mined to take every possible method to prevent the tea from 
being landed ; well knowing that it would be impossible to hin- 
der the sale, should the commodity once be brought on shore. 
For this purpose the people assembled in great numbers, forc- 
ing those to whom the tea was consigned, to resign their offices ; 
and to promise solemnly never to resume them ; committees 
were appointed to examine the accounts of merchants, and 
make public tests, declaring such as would not take them ene- 
mies to their country. Nor was this behavior confined to the 
colony of Massachusetts Bay ; the rest of the provinces en- 
tered into the contest with the same warmth ; and manifested 
the same resolution to oppose this invasion of their rights. 

142. In the midst of this confusion, three ships arrived at 
Boston, laden with tea ; but so much were the captains alarmed 
at the disposition of the people, that they offered, providing they 
could get the proper discharges from the tea-consignees, cus- 
tom-house, and governor, to return to Britain without landing 
their cargoes. The parties concerned, though they durst not 
order the tea to be landed, refused to grant the discharges re- 
quired. The ships would have been obliged to remain in the 
harbor; but the people,- apprehensive that if they remained 
there, the tea would be landed in small quantities, and disposed 
of in spite of every endeavor to prevent it ; resolved to destroy 
it at once. 

143. This resolution was executed with equal speed and se- 
crecy. The very evening afler the above-mentioned discharges 
had been refused, a number of people, dressed like Mohawk 
Indians, boarded the ships, and threw their whole cargoes into 

U2 



234 HISTORY OF 

the sea, consisting of three hundred and forty chests of tea ; 
after which they retired without making any further disturb- 
ance, or doing any other damage. No tea was destroyed in 
other ports, but the same spirit was manifested. 

144. At Philadelphia, the pilots were enjoined not to conduct 
the vessels up the river ; and at New-York, though the gov- 
ernor caused some tea to be landed under the protection of a 
man-of-war, he was obliged to deliver it up to the people, to 
prevent its being sold. 

145. The destruction of the tea at Boston, which happened 
in 1773, was the immediate prelude to the disasters attending 
civil discord. Ministers, finding themselves everywhere insulted, 
resolved to enforce their authority by all possible means ; and 
as Boston had been the principal scene, of the riots and out- 
rages, it was determined to punish that city in an exemplary 
manner. Parliament was acquainted, by a message from his 
majesty, with the undutiful behavior of the inhabitants of Bos- 
ton, as well as all the colonies, recommending, at the same time, 
the most vigorous and spirited exertions to reduce them to obe- 
dience. The parliament in its address promised a ready com- 
pliance : and the Americans now seemed to have lost many of 
their partisans. 

146. It was proposed to lay a fine on the town of Boston, 
equal to the price of the tea which had been destroyed, and to 
shut up its port by armed vessels, until the refractory spirit of 
its inhabitants was subdued ; which, it was thought, must quickly 
yield, as a total stop would thus be put to their trade. The bill 
was strongly opposed on the same ground that the other had 
been ; and it was predicted that, instead of having any ten- 
dency to reconcile or subdue the Americans, it would infallibly 
exasperate them beyond any possibility of reconciliation. 

147. The petitions against it were represented by the colonial 
agent, who pointed out the same consequence in the strongest 
terms, and in the most positive manner declared the Americans 
never would submit to it ; but such was the infatuation attend- 
ing every rank and degree of men, that it never was imagined 
the Americans would dare to resist the parent state openly ; but 
would, finally, submit implicitly to her commands. In this con- 
fidence a third bill was proposed, for the impartial administra- 
tion of justice, by such persons as might be employed in the 
suppression of riots and tumults in the province of Massachu- 
setts Bay. By this act it was provided, " That should any per- 
son acting in that capacity be indicted for murder, and not be 
able to obtain a fair trial in the province, they might be sent by 



AMERICA. 235 

the governor to England, or to some other colony, if necessary, 
to be tried for the supposed crime." 

148. These three bills having passed so easily, the ministry 
proposed a fourth, relative to the government of Canada ; which 
had not yet been settled upon any proper plan. By this bill 
the extent of that province was greatly enlarged ; its affairs 
were put under the direction of a council, in which Roman 
Catholics were to be admitted ; the Roman Catholic clergy were 
secured in their possessions, and the usual perquisites from 
those of their own profession. The council above-mentioned 
were to be appointed by the crown ; to be removed at its plea- 
sure, .and to be invested with every legislative power, except 
that of taxation. 

149. No sooner were these laws made known in America, 
than they cemented the union of the colonies, beyond the pos- 
sibility of dissolving it. The assembly of Massachusetts Bay 
had passed a vote against the judges accepting salaries from 
the crown, and put the question, " Whether they would accept 
them as usual, from the general assembly ?" Four answered in 
the affirmative, but Peter Oliver, the chief justice, refused. A 
petition against him, and an accusation, being brought before 
the governor ; the latter refused interfering in the matter ; but 
as the assembly insisted on justice against chief justice Oliver, 
the governor thought proper to dissolve it. 

150. In this situation of affairs, a new alarm was occasioned 
by the port bill. This had been totally unexpected, and was 
received with the most extravagant expressions of displeasure 
among the people ; and, while these continued, the new gov- 
ernor, general T. Gage, arrived from England. He had been 
chosen to this office on account of his being well acquainted in 
America, and generally agreeable to the people ; but human 
wisdom could not now point out a method by which the flame 
could be allayed. The first act of his office, as governor, was 
to remove the assembly to Salem, a town seventeen miles dis- 
tant from Boston, in consequence of the late act. 

151. When this was intimated to the assembly, they replied 
by requesting him to appoint a day of public humiliation, for 
deprecating the wrath of heaven, but met with a refusal. When 
the assembly met at Salem, they passed a i:esolution declaring 
the necessity of a general congress, composed of delegates from 
all the provinces, in order that they might take the affairs of 
the colonies under their consideration ; and five gentlemen, who 
had been remarkable for their opposition, were chosen to repre- 
sent that of Massachusetts Bay. They then proceeded, with 



236 HISTORY OF 

all expedition, to draw up a declaration, containing a detail of 
the grievances which they labored under ; and the necessity of 
exerting themselves against lawless power ; they set forth the 
disregard that had been paid to their petitions, and the attempts 
of Great Britain to destroy their ancient constitution : and con- 
cluded with exhorting the inhabitants of the colony to obstruct 
such evil designs, recommending, at the same time, a total re- 
nunciation of every thing imported from Great Britain, until a 
redress of grievances could be procured. 

152. Intelligence of this declaration was carried to the gov- 
ernor on the very day that it was completed, on which he dis- 
solved the assembly. This was followed by an address from 
the inhabitants of Salem, in favor of those of Boston, and con- 
cluding with these remarkable words: "By shutting up the 
port of Boston, some imagine that the course of trade might be 
turned hither, and to our benefit ; but Nature, in the formation 
of our harbor, forbids our becoming rivals in commerce to that 
convenient mart ; and were it otherwise, we must be dead to 
every idea of justice, lost to all feelings of humanity, could we 
indulge one thought to seize on wealth, and raise our fortunes 
on the ruin of our suffering neighbors.*' 

153. It had been fondly hoped, by the ministerial party in 
England, that the advantages which other towns might derive 
from the annihilation of the trade of Boston, would make them 
readily acquiesce in the measure of shutting up that port, and 
rather rejoice in it than otherwise ; but the words of the ad- 
dress above-mentioned seemed to preclude all hope of this kind ; 
and subsequent transactions soon manifested it to be altogether 
vain. 

154. No sooner did intelligence arrive of the bills passed in 
the session of 1774, than the cause of Boston became the cause 
of all the colonies. The port-bill had already occasioned vio- 
lent commotions throughout them all. It had been reprobated 
in provincial meetings, and resistance to the last had been re- 
commended against such oppression. In Virginia, the 1st of 
June, 1774, the day on which the port of Boston was to be 
shut up, was held as a day of humiliation, and a public inter- 
cession in favor of America was recommended. The style of 
the prayer enjoined* was, that " God would give the people one 
heart, and one mind, firmly to oppose every invasion of the 
American rights." 

155. The Virginians did not content themselves with acts 
of religion only : they recommended, in the strongest manner, 
a general congress of all the colonics ; being fully persuaded 



AMERICA. 237 

that an attempt to tax any colony in an arbitrary manner, was 
an attack upon them all. The provinces of New- York and 
Pennsylvania were less sanguine than the rest, being so closely 
connected in the way of trade with Great Britain, that the giv- 
ing it up entirely, appeared a matter of the most serious mag- 
nitude, and not to be thought of until every other method had 
failed. 

156. The intelligence of the remaining bills, respecting Bos- 
ton, spread a fresh alarm through the continent, and fixed those 
who had appeared the most wavering. The proposal of giving 
up all commercial intercourse with Great Britain was again 
made ; contributions for the relief of the inhabitants of Bos- 
ton were raised in every quarter ; and they received addresses 
from the other provinces commending them for the heroic cour- 
age with which they sustained their calamity. 

157. The Bostonians, thus supported, did every thing in 
their power to promote the general cause. An agreement was 
framed, which was called a solemn league and covenant. By 
this, the subscribers most religiously bound themselves to break 
off all communication with Great Britain after the expiration 
of the month of August ensuing, until the obnoxious acts were 
repealed ; at the same time they engaged neither to purchase 
nor use any goods imported after that time, and to renounce all 
connexion with those who did, or refused to subscribe to this 
covenant : threatening to publish the names of the refractory ; 
which at this time was considered a serious punishment. 

158. Agreements of a similar nature, were immediately en- 
tered into thoughout all America : and although general Gage 
attempted to counteract the covenant by a proclamation, wherein 
it was declared an illegal and traitorous combination, threaten- 
ing with the pains of the law, such as subscribed or counte- 
nanced it ; yet it was now too late for proclamations to have any 
effect. The Americans retorted the charge of illegality on his 
own proclamation, and insisted that the law allowed subjects to 
meet, in order to consider of their grievances, and associate for 
relief from oppression. 

159. Preparations were now made for holding a general Con- 
gress. Philadelphia, as being the most central and considerable 
town, was chosen as the place of its meeting. The delegates 
of whom it was composed, were elected by the representatives 
of each province, and were in number from two to seven from 
each colony, though no province had more than one vote. 

160. The first congress which met at Philadelphia, in the 
beginning of September, 1774, consisted of fifty-one delegates* 



238 HISTORY OF 

The novelty and importance of the meeting excited universal 
attention ; and their transactions were such as rendered them 
respectable. The first act of Congress, was an approbation of 
the conduct of the inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay, and an 
exhortation to continue in the same spirit which they had begun. 
Supplies for the suffering inhabitants were strongly recom- 
mended, as they were reduced to great distress by the operation 
of the port-bill : and it was declared, that in case an attempt 
should be made to enforce the obnoxious acts by arms, all Ame- 
rica should join to assist the town of Boston ; and should the 
inhabitants be obliged, during the course of hostilities, to remove 
further up into the country, the losses they might sustain should 
be repaired at the public expense. 

161. They next addressed general Gage by letter ; in which, 
having stated the grievances of the people of Massachusetts 
colony, they informed him of the fixed and unalterable determi- 
nation of all the other provinces to support their brethren, and 
to oppose the cruel and oppressive British acts of parliament ; 
that they were appointed to watch over the liberties of America ; 
and entreated him to desist from military operations, lest -such 
hostilities might be brought on, as would frustrate all hopes of 
reconciliation with the parent state. 

162. The next step was to publish a declaration of their 
rights. These they summed up in the privileges belonging to 
Englishmen ; and particularly insisted, that as their distance 
rendered it impossible for them to be represented in the British 
parliament, their provincial assemblies, with the governor ap- 
pointed by the king, constituted the only legislative power with- 
in each province. They would, however, consent to such acts 
of parliament as were calculated merely for the regulation of 
commerce, and securing for the parent state the benefits of the 
American trade ; but would never allow that they could impose 
any tax on the colonies, for the purpose of raising a revenue, 
without their consent. 

163. They proceeded to reprobate the intention of each 
of the new acts of parliament ; and insisted on all the rights 
they had enumerated, as being unalienable; and what none 
could deprive them of. The Canada act they particularly pointed 
out as being extremely inimical to the colonies, by whose assist- 
ance it had been conquered ; and they termed it, " An act for 
establishing the Roman Catholic religion in Canada, abolishing 
the equitable system of English laws, and establishing a des- 
potism there." 

164. They further declared in favor of a non-importation 



AMERICA. 239 

and non-consumption of British goods, until the acts were 
repealed which laid duties upon tea, coffee, wine, sugar, and 
melasses imported into America, as well as the Boston port-act, 
and the three others passed in the preceding session of parlia- 
ment. 

165. The new regulations against the importation and con- 
sumption of British commodities, were then drawn up with 
great solemnity ; and they returned the warmest thanks to those 
members of parliament who had, with so much zeal, but with- 
out success, opposed the obnoxious acts of parliament. 

166. Their next proceedings were to draw up a petition to 
the king, an address to the British nation, and another to the 
colonies, all of which being in the usual strain of American 
language, adopted for some time past, a repetition is deemed 
unnecessary. It is sufficient to say, they were executed in a 
masterly manner, both with respect to the style and composition, 
and ought to have impressed the people of England with more 
favorable sentiments of the Americans, than they were at that 
time willing to entertain. 

167. All this time the disposition of the people had corre- 
sponded with the warmest wishes of congress. The first of 
June had been kept as a fast, not only throughout Virginia, 
where it was first proposed, but through the whole continent. 
Contributions for the relief of the inhabitants of Boston were 
recommended, and raised throughout the country. Even those 
who were most likely to derive the greatest advantages from 
the port-bill, with a generosity unequalled, refused to enrich 
themselves at the expense of their suffering neighbors. The 
inhabitants of Marblehead, who were among the number, 
though situated in the neighborhood of Boston, and most likely 
to receive benefit from the stoppage of their trade, did not at- 
tempt to avail themselves of it ; but so far from it, that they 
generously offered the use of their harbor, wharves, and stores, 
rent free. 

168. In the mean time the British forces at Boston were con- 
tinually augmenting, which greatly increased the general jeal- 
ousy and disaffection ; the country people were ready to rise at 
a moment's warning ; and the experiment was tried, by giving 
a false alarm, that the communication was to be cut off between 
the town and country ; in order to reduce the former by famine 
to a compliance with the acts of parliament. 

169. On this intelligence, the country people assembled in 
great numbers, and could not be satisfied, till they had sent 
messengers into the city, to inquire into the truth of the report. 



240 HISTORY OF 

These messengers were enjoined to inform the people in Bos- 
ton, that if they should be so pusillanimous as to make a sur- 
render of their Kberties, the province would not think itself 
bound by such examples ; and that Britain, by breaking their 
original charter, had annulled the contract subsisting between 
them, and left them to act as they thought proper. 

170. The people in every other respect manifested their in- 
flexible determination to adhere to the plan they had so long 
followed. The new counsellors and judges were obliged to re- 
sign their offices, in order to preserve their lives and properties 
from the fury of the multitude. In some places they shut up 
the avenues to the court-house ; and when required to make 
way for the judges, replied, that they knew of none but such 
as were appointed by the ancient usage and custom of the 
province. 

171. They manifested, in every place, the most ardent de- 
sire of learning the art of war ; and every one, who could bear 
arms, was most assiduous in procuring them, and learning the 
military exercise. Matters at last proceeded to such a height, 
that general Gage thought proper to fortify the neck of land 
which joins the town of Boston to the continent. This, though 
a prudent measure in his situation, was exclaimed against by 
the Americans, in the most vehement manner ; but the gene- 
ral, instead of giviftg ear to their remonstrances, deprived them 
of all power of acting against himself, by seizing the provin- 
cial powder, ammunition, and other military stores, at Cam- 
bridge and Charlestown. 

172. This excited such indignation, that it was with the ut- 
most difficulty the people could be restrained from marching 
to Boston, and attacking the troops. Even in the town itself, 
the company of cadets, that used to attend the governor, dis- 
banded themselves, and returned the standard he had presented 
them to, on his accession to the government. This was oc- 
casioned by his having deprived the celebrated John Hancock, 
afterwards president of congress, of his commission of colonel 
of the cadets. A similar instance happened of a provincial 
colonel having accepted a seat in the new council, upon which 
twenty-four officers resigned their commissions in one day. 

173. In the mean time, a meeting was held of the principal 
inhabitants of the towns adjacent to Boston ; the purport of 
which was publicly to renounce all obedience to the late acts 
of parliament, and enter into an engagement to indemnify 
such as should be prosecuted on that account : the members of 
the new council were declared violators of the rights of their 



AMERICA. 241 

country : all ranks and degrees were exhorted to learn the use 
of arms ; and the receivers of the public revenue were ordered 
not to deliver it into the treasury, but to retain it in their own 
hands until the constitution should be restored, or a provincial 
Congress dispose of it otherwise. 

174. A remonstrance against the fortifications at Boston 
Neck was next prepared, in which they still declared their un- 
willingness to proceed to hostilities ; but asserting their deter- 
mination not to submit to the acts of parliament they had 
already so much complained of. The governor, to restore tran- 
quillity, if possible, called a general assembly ; but so many of 
the council had resigned their places, that he was induced to 
countermand its sitting by proclamation. 

175. This measure was deemed illegal; the assembly met 
at Salem ; and after waiting a day for the governor, voted them- 
selves into a provincial congress, of which John Hancock was 
chosen president. A committee was instantly appointed, who 
waited on the governor concerning the fortifications on Boston 
Neck; but nothing of consequence took place, both parties 
criminating each other. 

176. The winter was now coming on, and the governor, to 
avoid quartering the soldiers on the inhabitants, proposed to 
erect barracks for them ; but the select-men of Boston com- 
pelled them to desist. Carpenters were sent for to New-York, 
but they were refused : and it v/as with great difficulty that he 
could procure winter lodgings for his troops. Nor w^as it with 
less difficulty that he procured clothes ; as the merchants of 
New- York told him, " that they would never supply any arti- 
cle for the benefit of men sent as enemies to their country." 
This disposition prevailing universally throughout the continent, 
was highly gratifying to congress. 

CHAPTER XII. 

COLONISTS PREPARE FOR WAR. BATTLE AT LEXINGTON. 

ACTION AT bunker's HILL. THE CONFEDERATION APPOINT 

WASHINGTON COMMANDER IN CHIEF. 

177. It was expected that the ensuing spring would be the 
season of commencing hostilities, and the most indefatigable 
diligence was used by the colonists to be fully prepared against 
such a formidable enemy. Lists of all the fencible men were 
made out in each colony, and especially of those who had 
served in the former war ; of whom they had the satisfaction 
to find two-thirds were still alive, and able to bear arms. Maga- 

V 



242 HISTORY OF 

zines of arms were collected, and money was provided for the 
payment of troops. 

178. In vain the governors of the different provinces endea- 
vored to put a stop to these proceedings by proclamations ; the 
Rubicon was passed, the fatal period was now arrived ; and the 
more the servants of government attempted to repress the spirit 
of the Americans, the more violent were their exertions. 

179. At this time the inhabitants of Boston were reduced to 
great distress. The British troops, now commonly called the 
enemy, were in absolute possession of it ; the inhabitants were 
kept as prisoners, and might be made accountable for the con- 
duct of the whole colonies ; various were the means contrived 
to relieve them from their disagreeable situation. It was pro- 
posed to remove the inhabitants altogether ; but this was im- 
practicable without the governor's consent : others recommended 
burning the town, after valuing the houses, and indemnify- 
ing the proprietors ; but this was found equally impracticable ; 
it was at last resolved to wait for some favorable opportunity, 
as the garrison was not very numerous, and not being supplied 
with necessaries by the inhabitants, might soon be obliged to 
leave the place. 

180. The friends of the British government attempted to do 
something in opposition to the voice of the people : but after a 
few ineffectual meetings and resolutions, they were utterly si- 
lenced, and obliged to yield to superior numbers. Matters had 
now proceeded so far that the Americans, without further cere- 
mony, seized on the military stores belonging to government. 
This first commenced at Newport, in Rhode Island, where the 
inhabitants carried off forty pieces of cannon, appointed for 
the protection of the place ; and on being asked the reason of 
this proceeding, replied, " that the people had seized them, lest 
they should be made use of against themselves ;" after this the 
assembly met, and resolved that ammunition and warlike stores 
should be purchased with the public money. 

181 . New-Hampshire followed the example of Rhode Island, 
and seized a small fort for the sake of the powder and military 
stores it contained. In Pennsylvania a convention was held, 
which expressed an earnest desire of reconciliation with the 
mother country; though at the same time declaring, in the 
strongest manner, that they were resolved to take up arms in 
defence of their just rights, and defend, to the last, their oppo- 
sition to the late acts of parliament ; and the people were ex- 
horted to apply themselves with the greatest diligence to the 
prosecution of such manufactures as were necessary for their 



AMERICA. 243 

defence and subsistence ; such as salt, saltpetre, gunpowder, and 
steel. 

182. This was the universal voice of the colonies, New- 
York, only excepted. The assembly of that province, as yet 
ignorant of the fate of their last remonstrance, refused to con- 
cur with the other colonies in their determination to throw off 
the British yoke : their attachment was nevertheless very faint, 
and by the event, it appeared, that a perseverance in the mea- 
sures which the ministry had adopted, was sufficient to unite 
them to the rest. 

183. In the beginning of February, the provincial congress 
met at Cambridge, and as no friends to Britain could now find 
admittance into that assembly, the only consideration was how 
to make preparations for war. Expertness in military dis- 
cipline was earnestly recommended, and several military insti- 
tutions were established : among which that of the minute-men 
was most remarkable. These were chosen from the most ac- 
tive and expert among the militia ; and their business was to 
keep themselves in constant readiness, at the call of their offi- 
cers ; from which perpetual diligence they derived their appel- 
lation. 

184. It was now thought that a very slight occasion would 
bring on hostilities, for both parties were so much exasperated 
by a long course of reproaches, and literary warfare, that they 
were filled with the utmost inveteracy against each other. 

185. On the 26th of February, 1775, general Gage, having 
been informed that a number of field-pieces had been brought 
up to Salem, dispatched a party to seize them. Their road 
was obstructed by a river, over which was a drawbridge. This 
the people had pulled up, and refused to let down : upon which 
the soldiers seized a boat to ferry them over, but the people cut 
out her bottom. 

186. Hostilities would immediately have commenced, had 
it not been for the interposition of a clergyman, who repre- 
sented to the military, on the one hand, the folly of opposing 
such numbers ; and to the people on the other, that as the day 
was far spent, the military could not execute their design, so 
that they might, without any fear, leave them in the quiet pos- 
session of the drawbridge. This was complied with ; and the 
soldiers, after having remained some time at the bridge, re- 
turned without executing their orders. 

187. The next attempt was attended with more serious con- 
sequences. General Gage, understanding a large quantity of 
ammunition and military stores had been collected at Concord, 



.^44 HISTORY OF 



Z4i^ . . , 

arew^iles Tro. Bosto. a^ ^^^t^rrd ofToE 
was sUtmg, sent a detachment^ im ^^^ ^^^^ 

and firing of guns »%' l^J.^^'^tT'fi eTn fhe morning they 
ZtZr^:^^-^^ rrom Boston, .here the 
"^ ItiH* Xr :a~tT.o them ,o disperse ; but as 

tol/and ordered h,s ^^-J^^ he d^aeCnt then pro'! 
''"^71"Srd1vh re ha™S destroyed the stores, they 
t^r.fenL'nrf Wt: AmericLs, and a scuffle ensued. >n 

^^'rcoThriuto:: of th:i lipedttion being accompUshed >t 

wSuld have been unavoidably cut ^''' /ta^ "°\ ^he Ame- 
reinforcement met them, commanded bj °'^ P"% t/„^f„„ the 
ricans continued the attack -"h g-a' f-y^^^^e troy n^„^^ .^ 

!!ftrrtrfiS^ett:vhi:h^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

ZX whole detachment ..uldha^^^^^^^^^^ 

-L^Me-S':;:ifr^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
-jhrsSi;:^.^^^ 



AMERICA. 245 

193. Towards the end of May, a considerable reinforcement 
having arrived, with the generals Howe, Burgoyne, and Clin- 
ton, he was soon enabled to attempt something of consequence : 
and this the boast of the provincials seemed to render necessary. 
Some skirmishing, in the mean time, happened on an island 
in Boston harbor ; in which the Americans had the advantage, 
and burned an armed schooner. 

194. Nothing decisive, however, took place, till the 17th of 
June. In the neighborhood of Charlestown, a place on the 
northern shore, opposite the peninsula on which Boston stands, 
is a high ground, called Bunker Hill, which overlooks and 
commands the whole town of Boston. On the 16th the pro- 
vincials took possession of this place ; and worked with such 
indefatigable industry that before day-light, to the astonishment 
of their enemies, they had almost completed a redoubt, with a 
strong intrenchment, reaching half a mile eastward, as far as 
the river Mystic. 

195. After this, they were obliged to sustain a heavy and 
incessant fire from the ships and floating batteries, with which 
Charlestown neck was surrounded ; as well as the cannon that 
could reach the place from Boston. In defiance of all opposi- 
tion, they continued their work, and finished it before mid-day. 
A considerable body of infantry was then landed at the foot of 
Bunker Hill, under the command of generals Howe and Pigot, 
the former being appointed to attack the lines, and the latter 
the redoubt. The Americans having the advantage of the 
ground, as well as of intrenchments, poured down upon the 
British such incessant volleys as threatened the whole body 
with destruction ; and general Howe was, for some time, left 
almost alone ; all his officers being either killed or wounded. 

196. The provincials, in the mean time, had taken possession 
of Charlestown, so that general Pigot was obliged to contend 
with them in that place, as well as with those in the redoubt. The 
consequence was, that he was overmatched ; his troops were 
thrown into disorder, and he would, in all probability, have 
been defeated, had not general Clinton advanced to his relief: 
upon which the attack was renewed \i'ith such fury, that the 
provincials were driven beyond the neck that leads to Charles- 
town. 

197. In the heat of the engagement, the British troops, in or- 
der to deprive the enemy of a cover, set fire to Charlestown, 
which was totally consumed ; and, eventually, the Americans 
were obliged to retreat over Charlestown neck, which was in- 
cessantly raked by the fire of the Glasgow man-of-war, and 

V2 



246 HISTORY OF 

several floating batteries. The loss on the side of the British 
was computed at one thousand ; among whom were nineteen 
officers killed and seventy wounded. The loss of the Ameri- 
cans did not exceed five hundred. 

198. This was a dear-bought victory to the British. The 
Americans boasted that the advantage lay on their side, as they 
had so weakened the enemy, that they durst not afterwards 
move out of their intrenchments. This being the first time 
the provincials were in actual service, it must be owned they 
behaved with great spirit ; and by no means merited the appel- 
lation of cowards, with which they were so often branded in 
Britain. In other places the same spirit appeared. 

199. Lord North's conciliatory scheme was utterly rejected 
by the assemblies of Pennsylvania and New -Jersey ; and after- 
wards in every other province. The affray at Lexington de- 
termined the colony of New- York, which had hitherto con- 
tinued to waver ; and as the situation of New-York rendered it 
unable to resist an attack from the sea, it was resolved, before 
the arrival of a British fleet, to secure the military stores, send 
ofl*lhe women and children, and to set fire to the city, if it were 
found incapable of defence. 

200. The exportation of provisions was everywhere pro- 
hibited, particularly to the British fishery on the banks of New- 
foundland, or to such other colonies in America, as should ad- 
here to the British interest. Congress resolved on the establish- 
ment of an army, and of a large paper currency, in order to 
support it. 

201. In the inland northern colonies, colonels Eaton and 
Ethan Allen, without receiving any orders from Congress, or 
communicating their design to any body, with a party of two 
hundred and fifty men, surprised the forts of Crown-Point and 
Ticondcroga, and those that formed a communication between 
the colonies and Canada. On this occasion two hundred cannon 
fell into their hands, some brass field-pieces, mortars, and mili- 
tary stores, together with two armed vessels, and materials for 
the construction of others. 

202. After the battle of Bunker Hill, the provincials erected 
fortifications on the heights which commanded Charlestown, 
and strengthened the rest in such a manner, that there was no 
hope of their being driven from thence ; at the same time, their 
boldness and activity astonished the British officers, who had 
been accustomed to entertain a mean and unjust opinion of their 
courage. 

203. The troops, shut up in Boston, were soon reduced to 



AMERICA. 247 

distress. They were obliged to attempt carrying off the cattle 
on the islands before Boston, which produced frequent skir- 
mishes ; but the provincials, better acquainted with the naviga- 
tion of the shores, landed on the islands, and destroyed or car- 
ried off whatever was of any use, burned the light-house at the 
entrance of the harbor, and took the workmen prisoners em- 
ployed to repair it, as well as a party of marines sent to protect 
them. 

204. Thus the garrison was reduced to the necessity of send- 
ing out armed vessels, to make prizes indiscriminately of all 
that came in their way, and of landing in different places to 
plunder for subsistence, as well as they could. The Congress 
in the mean time continued to act with vigor. Articles of con- 
federation and perpetual union were drawn up, and solemnly 
agreed to ; by which they bound themselves and their pos- 
terity for ever, as follows : 

Art. 1. "Each colony was to be independent within itself, 
and to retain an absolute sovereignty in all domestic affairs. 

Art. 2. Delegates to be annually elected, to meet in Con- 
gress, at such time and place as should be enacted in the pre- 
ceding Congress. 

Art. 3. The assembly should have the power of determin- 
ing war, or peace, making alliances, and, in short, all that 
power which sovereigns of states usually claim as their own. 

Art. 4. The expenses were to be paid out of the common 
treasury, and raised by a poll-tax on males between 16 and 60, 
the proportions to be determined by the laws of the colony. 

Art. 5. An executive council to be appointed to act in place 
of the Congress during its recess. 

Art. 6. No colony to make war with the Indians without 
consent of Congress. 

Art. 7. The boundaries of all the Indian lands to be as- 
certained and secured to them ; and no purchases of lands were 
to be made by individuals, or even by a colony, without con- 
sent of Congress. 

Art. 8. Agents appointed by Congress should reside among 
the Indians, to prevent frauds in trading with them, and to re- 
lieve, at the public expense their wants and distresses. 

Art. 9. This confederation to last until there should be a 
reconciliation with Britain ; or if that event should not take 
place, it was to be perpetual." 

205. After the action of Bunker Hill, when the power of 
Great Britain appeared less formidable to the Americans than 
before, Congress proceeded to justify their proceedings, in ade- 



248 HISTORY OF 

claration drawn up in terras more expressive, and well calcu- 
lated to excite attention. " Were it possible for men, said they, 
who exercise their reason, to believe that the Divine Author of 
our existence intended a part of the human race to hold an 
absolute property in, and unbounded power over others, marked 
out by his infinite goodness as the objects of a legal domination, 
never to be resisted, however severe and oppressive ; the in- 
habitants of these colonies might, at least, require from the 
parliament of Great Britain, some evidence that this dreadful 
authority over them had been granted to that body ; but a rev- 
erence for our great Creator, principles of humanity, and the 
dictates of common sense must convince all those who reflect 
on the subject, that government was instituted to promote the 
welfare of mankind, and ought to be administered to the attain- 
ment of that end. 

206. " The legislature of Great Britain, stimulated by an in- 
ordinate passion for power, not only unjustifiable, but which 
they knew to be peculiarly repugnant to the constitution of that 
kingdom, and despairing of success in any mode of contest 
where regard should be had to law, truth, or right ; have, by 
deserting those principles, attempted to efiect their cruel and 
impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies, by violence ; and 
have thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their 
last appeal from reason, to arms. Yet, however blind that as- 
sembly may be, by their intemperate rage for unlimited domina- 
tion, so to slight justice in the opinion of mankind, we esteem 
ourselves bound by obligations to the rest of the world, to 
make known the justice of our cause." 

207. After taking notice of the manner in which their an- 
cestors left Britain, the happiness attending the mutual and 
friendly intercourse betwixt that country and her colonies, and 
the remarkable success in the late war ; they proceed as fol- 
lows : " The new ministry, finding the brave foes of Britain, 
though frequently defeated, yet still contending, look up to the 
unfortunate idea of granting them a hasty peace, and of then 
subduing her faithful friend. 

208. "These devoted colonies were judged to be in such a 
state as to present victories without bloodshed, and all the easy 
emolument of statutable plunder. The uninterrupted tenor of 
their peaceable and respectful behavior, from the beginning of 
their colonization ; their dutiful, zealous, and useful services 
during the war, though so recently and amply acknowledged 
in the most honorable ~ manner, by his majesty, the late king, 
and by parliament, could not save them from the intended in- 



AMERICA. 249 

novations. Parliament was influenced to adopt the pernicious 
project; and assuming a new power over them, has, in the 
course of eleven years, given such decisive specimens of the 
spirit and consequences attending this power, as to leave no 
doubt of the eftects of acquiescence under it. 

209. " They have undertaken to give and grant our money 
without our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclu- 
sive right to dispose of our own property. Statutes have been 
passed for extending the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty 
and vice-admiralty beyond their ancient limits : for depriving 
us of the accustomed and inestimable rights of trial by jury, 
in cases affecting both life and property : for suspending the 
legislature of one of our colonies ; for interdicting all commerce 
to the capital of another ; and for altering fundamentally the 
form of government established by charter, and secured by acts 
of its own legislature, and solemnly confirmed by the crown ; 
for exempting murderers from legal trial, and in effect from 
punishment ; for erecting in a neighboring province, acquired 
by the joint arms of Great Britain and America, a disposition 
dangerous to our very existence ; and for quartering soldiers 
upon the colonists in time of profound peace. 

210. " It has also been resolved in parliament, that colonists, 
charged with committing certain offences, shall be transported 
to England to be tried. But why should we enumerate our in- 
juries in detail ? By one statute it was declared that parliament 
can, of right, make laws to bind us in all cases whatever. What 
is to defend us against so enormous, so unHmited a power? 
Not a single person who assumes it, is chosen by us, or is sub- 
ject to our control or influence ; but on the contrary, they are 
all of them exempt from the operation of such laws ; and an 
American revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible purposes 
for which it is raised, would actually lighten their own burdens 
in proportion as it increases ours. 

211. " We saw the misery to which such despotism would 
reduce us. We, for ten years, incessantly and ineffectually be- 
sieged the throne as supplicants ; we reasoned, we remonstrated 
with parliament, in the most mild and decent language ; but 
administration, sensible that we should regard these measures 
as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to enforce 
them. 

212. " We have pursued every temperate, every respectful 
measure ; we have even proceeded to break off all commercial 
intercourse with our fellow-subjects, as our last peaceable nd- 
monition, that our attachment to no nation on earth would sup- 



250 HISTORY OF 

plant our liberty ; this we flattered ourselves was the ultimate 
step of the controversy ; but subsequent events have shown how 
vain was this hope of finding moderation in our enemies. 

213. " The lords and commons, in their address in the month 
of February, 1775, said that a rebellion, at that time, actually 
existed in the province of Massachusetts Bay ; and that those 
concerned in it had been countenanced and encouraged by un- 
lawful combinations, and engagements entered into by his ma- 
jesty's subjects in several of the colonies ; and therefore they 
besought his majesty that he would take the most effectual 
measures to enforce due obedience to the laws and authority of 
the supreme legislature. 

214. "Soon after, the commercial intercourse of these colo- 
nies with foreign countries was cut off by an act of parliament ; 
by another, several of them were entirely prohibited from the 
fisheries in the seas near their coasts, on which they always 
depended for their subsistence ; and large reinforcements of 
ships and troops were immediately sent over to general Gage. 
Fruitless were all the entreaties, arguments, and eloquence of 
an illustrious band of the most distinguished peers and com- 
moners, who nobly and strenuously asserted the justice of our 
cause, to stay, or even to mitigate the heedless fury with which 
these accumulated outrages were hurried on. Equally fruitless 
was the interference of the city of London, of Bristol, and of 
many other respectable towns in our favor." 

215. After having reproached parliament, general Gage, 
and the British government, in general, they proceed thus : " We 
are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconditional 
submission to tyranny, or resistance by force. The latter is 
our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, and find 
nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honor, justice, and 
humanity forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we 
received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent 
posterity have a right to receive from us. Our cause is just: 
our union is perfect ; our internal resources are great : and, if 
necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. 

216. "We fight not for glory or conquest; we exhibit to 
mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by un- 
provoked enemies. They boast of their privileges and civili- 
zation, and 3'et proffer no milder conditions than servitude or 
death. In our native land, in defence of the freedom that is our 
birthright, for the protection of our property, acquired by the 
honest industry of our forefathers, and our own, against vio- 
lence actually offered, we have taken up arms ; we shall lay 



AMERICA. 251 

them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of our 
aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be 
removed — and not before." 

217. These are some of the most striking passages in the 
declaration of Congress on taking up arms against Great 
Britain. Without inquiring whether the principles on which it 
is founded be right or wrong, the determined spirit which it 
shows, ought to have convinced the ministry that the conquest 
of America was an event not reasonably to be expected. In 
every other respect an equal spirit was shown ; and the rulers 
of the British nation had the mortification to see those whom 
they styled rebels and traitors, succeed in negotiations in which 
they themselves were utterly foiled. 

218. In passing the Quebec bill, the ministry had flattered 
themselves that the Canadians would be so much attached to 
them on account of restoring the French laws, that they would 
readily join in any attempt against the colonists, who had rep- 
robated that bill in such strong terms ; but in this, as in every 
thing else, they found themselves much mistaken. 

219. The Canadians having been subject to the British gov- 
ernment for a period of fifteen years, and being thus made sen- 
sible of the superior advantages of the laws of that country, 
received the bill with evident marks of disapprobation ; so lar 
that they reprobated it as tyrannical and oppressive. 

220. A scheme had been formed by general Carleton, gov- 
ernor of the province, to raise an army of Canadians where- 
with to act against the Americans ; and so sanguine were the 
hopes of administration, in this respect, that they had sent 
twenty thousand stands of arms and a great quantity of mili- 
tary stores to Quebec, for that purpose. But the people, though 
they did not join the Americans, yet were found immovable 
in their purpose to remain neuter. Application was made to 
the bishop ; but he declined to use his influence, as contrary to 
the rules of the Catholic clergy ; so that the utmost efforts of 
government in this province were found abortive. 

221. The British administration next tried to engage the 
Indians in their cause. But though agents were dispersed 
among them with large presents to the chiefs, they universally 
replied, that they did not understand the nature of the quarrel, 
nor could they distinguish whether those who dwelt in America, 
or those on the other side of the ocean, were in fault ; but they 
were surprised to see Englishmen ask their assistance against 
one another, and advised them to be reconciled, and not to think 
of shedding the blood of their brethren. 



252 HISTORY OF 

222. To representations of Congress they paid more atten- 
tion. These informed them that the Enghsh, on the other side 
of the ocean, had taken up arms to enslave, not only their 
countrymen in America, but the aborigines also ; and if they 
overcame the colonists, themselves would soon be reduced to 
slavery also. The savages, upon maturely weighing the sub- 
ject, concluded to remain neuter ; and thus the colonists were 
freed from a most dangerous enemy. 

223. On this occasion congress held a solemn conference 
with the different tribes of Indians. A speech was proposed, 
which exhibits a specimen of the manner in which Europeans 
always address the aborigines of America. 

" Brothers, Sachems, and Warriors ! 

" We, the delegates from the twelve united provinces nowr sittings in 
general congress at Philadelphia, send our talk to you our brothers. 
" Brothers and Friends, now attend I 

" When our fathers crossed the great water, and came over to this land, , 
the king of England gave them a talk, promising them that they and 
their children should be his children, and if they v^ould leave their native 
country, and make settlements, and live here, and buy, and sell, and trade 
with their brethren beyond the great water, they should still keep hold of 
tlie same covenant chain, and enjoy peace ; and it was covenanted, that 
the fields, houses, goods and possessions, which our fathers should acquire, 
should remain to them as their own, and be their children's for ever, and 
at their sole disposal. 

" Brothers and Friends open an ear ! 

"We will now tell you of the quarrel betwixt the counsellors of king 
George and the inhabitants of the colonies of America. 

" Many of his counsellors have persuaded him to break the covenant 
chain, and not to send us any more good talks. They have prevailed upon 
him to enter into a covenant against us, and have torn asunder, and cast 
behind their backs, the good old covenant which tlieir ancestors and ours 
entered into, and took strong hold of They now tell us, they will put their , 
hands into our pockets without asking, as though they were their own ; ajid 
at their will and pleasure, they will take from us our charter, or written 
civil constitution, whicli we love as our lives ; also our plantations, our 
houses, and our goods, whenever they please, without asking our leave. 
I'hey tell us also, that our vessels may go to that or this island in the sea, 
but to this or that particular island we shall not trade any more ; and in 
case of our non-compliance with these new orders, they shut up our har- 
bors. Brothers, we live on the same ground with you ; the same land is 
our common birth-place. We desire to sit down under the same tree of 
peace with you : let us water its roots, and cherish the growth, till the 
large leaves and flourishing branches shall extend to the setting sun, and 
reach the skies. If any thing disagreeable should ever fall out between 
us, the twelve United Colonies, and you, the Six Nations, to wound our 
{jcace, let us immediately seek measures for healing the breach. From 
the present situation of our affairs, we judge it expedient to kindle up a 
small fire at Albany, wliere we may hear each other's voice, and disclose 
our minds fully to one another." 



AMERICA. 253 

224. The other remarkable transactions of this Congress, 
'»vere the ultimate refusal of the conciliatory proposal made by 
lord North, of which such sanguine expectations had been 
formed by the English ministry, and the appointment of a 
generalissimo to command our armies, which were now very 
numerous. The person selected for this dignified station was 
George Washington, a man universally beloved ; he was 
elected Commander in Chief, by the unanimous voice of Con- 
gress, in 1775 : and his subsequent conduct showed him every 
\vay worthy of it. Horatio Gates and Charles Lee, two 
English officers of considerable reputation, were also chosen ; 
the former adjutant-general, the latter major-general. Artemas 
Ward, Philip Schuyler, and Israel Putnam, were hkewise nom- 
inated major-generals. Seth Pomeroy, Richard Montgomery, 
David Wooster, William Heath, John Thomas, John Sullivan, 
and Nathaniel Green, were chosen brigadier-generals at the 
same time. 

225. About this period Georgia sent deputies to congress 
expressing their desire to join the confederacy. The reasons 
they gave for renouncing their allegiance to Britain was, that 
the conduct of parliament towards the other colonies had 
been oppressive ; and though the obnoxious acts had not been 
extended to them, they could view this only as an omission 
because of the seeming little consequence of their colony ; and 
looked upon it rather as a slight than a favor. At the same time, 
they framed a petition to the king, similar to that sent by the 
other colonies, which met a similar reception. 

226. The success which had hitherto attended the Americans 
nov/ emboldened them to act offensively against Great Britain. 
The conquest of Canada appeared to be practicable, and would 
be attended with many advantages ; and as Crown-Point and 
Ticonderoga were already in their hands, the invasion might 
be easily effected; they also supposed that Quebec might be 
reduced during the winter, before the fleets and armies should 
arrive, which they were well assured would sail thither from 
Britain. 

227. Congress, therefore, ordered three thousand men under 
the command of generals Montgomery and Schuyler to pro- 
ceed to Lake Champlain, from whence they were to be conveyed 
in flat-bottomed boats to the mouth of the river Sorrel, a branch 
of the river St. Lawrence, and on which is situated a fort of 
the same name with the river. On the other hand they were 
opposed by general Carleton, governor of Canada, a man of 
great activity and experience in war ; who, with a small number 

W 



254 HISTORY OF 

of troops, had been able to keep in awe the disaffected people 
in Canada, notwithstanding all the representations of the col- 
onists. He had now augmented his army with a number of 
Indians, and promised to make a formidable resistance even in 
his present situation. 

228. When general Montgomery arrived at Crown-Point, he 
received information that several armed vessels were stationed 
at St. Johns, a strong fort on the Sorrel, with a view to prevent 
his crossing the lake : on which he took possession of an island 
which commands the mouth of the Sorrel, and by which he 
could prevent them from entering the lake. In conjunction 
with general Schuyler, he next proceeded to St. Johns; but 
finding that place too strong, it was agreed in a council of war, 
to retire to Isle aux Noix, where general Schuyler being taken 
ill, Montgomery was left to command alone. 

229. His first step was to gain over the Indians, whom gen- 
eral Carleton had employed, and this he, in part, accomplished ; 
after which, on receiving the full number of troops appointed 
for the expedition, he determined to lay siege to St. Johns ; in 
this he was encouraged by the reduction of Chamblee, a small 
fort in the neighborhood, where he found a large Supply of 
powder. An attempt was made by general Carleton to relieve 
the place ; for which purpose he collected one thousand Cana- 
dians, while colonel M'Lean proposed to raise a regiment of 
the Highlanders, who had emigrated from their own country to 
America. 

230. But while general Carleton was on his march with 
these new levies, he was attacked by the provincials, and de- 
feated ; which being made known to Macdonald's party, they 
abandoned him without striking a blow, and he was obhged to 
retreat to Quebec. The defeat of general Carleton was con- 
sidered as a sufficient recompense for that of colonel Ethan 
Allen, which had happened a short time previous to this. 

231. The success of colonel Allen against Crown-Point and 
Ticonderoga had emboldened him to make a similar attempt on 
Montreal ; but the militia of the place, supported by a detachment 
of regulars, entirely defeated him, and he was taken prisoner. 

232. The garrison of St. Johns being informed of the defeat 
of general Carleton, and seeing no hope of relief, surrendered 
themselves prisoners of war. They consisted of five hundred 
regulars and two hundred Canadians, among whom were many 
of the French nobility, who had been very active in promoting 
the cause of Britain among their countrymen. General Mont- 
gomery next took measures to prevent the British shipping from 



AMERICA. 255 

passing down the river from Montreal to Quebec. This he 
accomphshed so effectually, that the whole were taken. The 
town surrendered at discretion; and it was with the utmost 
difficulty that general Carleton escaped in an open boat, favored 
by a dark night. No obstacle now remained to impede their 
progress to the capital, except what arose from the nature of 
the country ; but these were very considerable. 

233. It seems that nothing could damp the ardor of the pro- 
vincials : although it was the middle of November, and the 
depth of winter at hand, colonel Arnold formed the design of 
penetrating through the woods and morasses, from New. Eng- 
land to Canada, by a nearer route than that which Montgomery 
had chosen ; and this he accomplished in spite of every diffi- 
culty, to the astonishment of all who saw or heard of the 
attempt. A third part of his men, under another colonel, had 
been obliged to leave him by the way for want of provisions ; 
the total want of artillery rendered his presence insignificant, 
before a place so strongly fortified ; and the smallness of his 
army rendered it doubtful whether he could take the town by 
surprise. 

234. The Canadians were amazed at the exploit ; but none 
of them, as yet, took up arms in behalf of America. The 
consternation into which the town of Quebec vvas thrown, was 
detrimental to the Americans, as it doubled the vigilance of the 
inhabitants to prevent any surprise : and the appearance of 
a common danger united all parties, who, before the arrival of 
Arnold, were violently contending with one another. He was, 
therefore, obliged to content himself with blocking up the 
avenues of the town, with hopes of distressing the inhabitants 
for want of provisions ; and even this he was not able eflfectu- 
ally to accomplish, with so small a number of men. 

235. Although the arrival of general Montgomery raised 
the spirits of his party, yet the small force he had, when joined 
to that of Arnold, was too weak to reduce a place so strongly 
fortified ; he having only a few mortars and field-pieces, which 
were not to be depended upon. 

236. The siege having continued through the month of De- 
cember, general Montgomery, finding he could not accomplish 
his end any other way than by surprise, resolved to make 
the attempt on the last day of the year 1775. He advanced 
by break of day, in the midst of a heavy fall of snow, which 
covered his men from the sight of the enemy. Two real at- 
tacks were made by himself and colonel Arnold ; at the same 
time two feigned attacks were made in other places, hoping 



256 HISTORY OF 

thereby to distract the garrison, and divide their forces. One 
of the real attacks was made by the New-York troops, and the 
other by those of New-England, under Arnold. By a mistake 
in the signal for the attack being given too soon, their hopes of 
surprising the town were defeated. 

237. General Montgomery himself had the most dangerous 
place, being obliged to pass between the river and some high 
rocks on which the upper town stands ; so that he made all the 
haste he could to close with the enemy. His fate was soon 
decided. Having forced the first barrier, a violent discharge 
of musketry and grape-shot from the second killed him, the 
principal officers, and most of the party he commanded : those 
who remained, immediately retreated. Colonel Arnold, in the 
mean time, made a desperate attack on the lower town, and 
carried one of the barriers, after an obstinate resistance for 
an hour : but in the action he was himself wounded, which 
obliged him to withdraw. 

238. The attack, however, was continued by the officers 
whom he had left, and another barrier was forced : the gar- 
rison now perceiving that nothing was to be feared but from that 
quarter, collected their whole force against it : and after a des- 
perate engagement for three hours, overpowered the provincials, 
and obliged them to surrender. Such a terrible disaster left 
no hope of the accomplishment of their purpose ; as general 
Arnold could not muster more than eight hundred men under 
his command. 

239. He did not abandon the province, but removed about 
three miles from Quebec, where he found means to annoy the 
garrison by intercepting their provisions. The Canadians still 
continued friendly, notwithstanding the bad success of the 
American arms ; which enabled Arnold to sustain the hardships 
of a winter encampment in that most severe climate. Congress, 
far from passing any censure on his conduct, created him a 
brigadier-general. 

240. While hostilities were thus carried on in the north, the 
flame of contention was gradually extending itself in the south. 
Lord Dunmore, the governor of Virginia, was involved in dis- 
putes similar to those which had taken place in the other colo- 
nies. He dissolved the assembly, which, in this province, was 
attended with a consequence unknown to the rest. The slaves 
in Virginia were so numerous, it was necessary that a militia 
should be kept constantly in readiness to keep them in awe. 

241. During the dissolution of the assembly, the militia-laws 
expired, and the people, after complaining of the danger they 



AMERICA. 257 

were in from the negroes, formed a convention, which enacted 
that each county should raise a quota for the defence of the 
province. Dunmore, upon this, removed the powder from Wil- 
liamsburg ; which created such discontent, that an immediate 
quarrel would have ensued, had not the merchants of the town 
undertaken to obtain satisfaction for the supposed injury done 
to the community. 

242. This tranquillity was soon interrupted ; the people were 
alarmed by a report, that an armed party were on their way 
from the man-of-war, to where the powder had been deposited ; 
they assembled in arms, determined to oppose any further re- 
movals. 

243. In some of the conferences that passed at this time, 
the governor let fall some unguarded expressions, such as 
threatening them with setting up the royal standard, proclaim- 
ing liberty to the negroes, and destroying the town of Wil- 
liamsburg ; which were afterwards made public, and exag- 
gerated in such a manner as greatly to increase the public 
ferment. 

244. Assemblies of the people were frequently held. Some 
of them took up arms, with an intention to force the governor 
to restore the powder, and to take the public money into their 
possession : but on their way to Williamsburg, they were met 
by the receiver-general, who became security for the payment 
of the gunpowder ; and the inhabitants promised to take care 
of the magazine and public revenue. 

245. The governor was so much intimidated by this insur- 
rection, that he sent his family on board a man-of-war. He 
issued a proclamation, in which he declared the behavior of 
the person who provoked the tumult, treasonable ; accused the 
people of disaffection, &c. The people recriminated : and some 
letters of his to Britain being discovered, consequences ensued 
nearly similar to those which had been occasioned by the letters 
of governor Hutchinson, of Boston. 

246. The governor, in this state of confusion, thought it 
necessary to fortify his palace ; and procured a party of ma- 
rines to guard it. About this time lord North's conciliatory 
proposal arrived ; and the governor used his utmost endeavors 
to cause the people to comply with it. The arguments were 
plausible : and, had not matters already gone to such a length, 
it is highly probable that some attention would have been paid 
to them, " The view," he said, " in which the colonists ought 
to behold this conciliatory proposal, was no more than an earn- 
est admonition from Great Britain to relieve their wants ; that 

W2 



258 HISTORY OF 

the utmost condescension had been used in the mode of appli- 
cation, no determinate sum having been fixed ; as it was deemed 
most worthy of British generosity, to take what they thought 
could be conveniently spared ; and likewise to leave the mode 
of raising it to themselves." But the clamor and dissatisfaction 
had now become so universal, that no offers from government 
would be attended to. 

247. The governor had called an assembly, for the purpose 
of laying this conciliatory proposal before them : but it was 
unregarded. The assembly began their session by an inquiry 
into the state of the magazine. It had been broken into by 
some of the townsmen ; for which reason spring-guns had been 
placed there by the governor, which discharged themselves upon 
the offenders, at their entrance. 

248. These circumstances, with others of a similar nature, 
raised such a violent uproar, that as soon as the preliminary 
business of the session was over, the governor retired on board 
a man-of-war, informing the assembly that he durst no longer 
trust himself on shore. This produced a long course of dis- 
putation, which ended in a positive refusal of the governor to 
trust himself again at Williamsburg, even to give his assent to 
the bills which could not be passed without it, although the 
assembly offered to bind themselves for his personal safety. In 
his turn, he requested them to meet him on board the man-of- 
war, where he then was ; but this proposal was rejected, and 
all further correspondence containing the least appearance of 
friendship was discontinued. 

249. Lord Dunmore, having thus abandoned his govern- 
ment, attempted to reduce, by force, those whom he could no 
longer govern. Some of the most zealous royalists, who had 
rendered themselves obnoxious at home, now repaired to him ; 
he was also joined by numbers of negro slaves. With these, 
and with the assistance of the British shipping, he was, for 
some time, enabled to carry on a predatory war, sufficient to 
hurt and exasperate, but not to subdue. After some considera- 
ble attempts on land, proclaiming Hberty to the slaves, and set- 
ting up the royal standard, he took up his residence in Norfolk, 
where the people were better affected to Britain than in most 
other places. 

250. A considerable force was collected against him, and 
the natural impetuosity of his temper prompted him to act 
against them with more courage than caution : he was entirely 
defeated, and obliged to retire to his shipping, which was now 
crowded with numbers of those who had, by joining him, in- 



AMERICA. 259 

curred the resentment of the provincials. In the mean time, a 
scheme was formed by colonel Conolly, a Pennsylvanian, at- 
tached to the cause of Britain ; the first step of which was to 
enter into a league with the Ohio Indians. 

251. This he communicated to lord Dunmore, and it received 
his approbation, upon which Conolly set out and actually suc- 
ceeded in his design. On his return, he was dispatched to 
general Gage, from whom he received a colonel's commission , 
and set out to accomplish the remainder of his scheme. The 
general plan was, that he should return to the Ohio, where, by 
the assistance of the British and Indians in these parts, he wa^-. 
to penetrate through the back settlements into Virginia, and 
join lord Dunmore at Alexandria. But an accident, naturally 
to be expected, happened ; he was discovered, taken prisoner, 
and confined. 

252. After the retreat of lord Dunmore from Norfolk, that 
place was taken possession of by the provincials, who greatly 
distressed those on board lord Dunmore's fleet, W refusing to 
supply them with provisions. This proceeding drew from his 
lordship a remonstrance, in which he insisted that the fleet 
should be furnished v/ith necessaries; but this request being 
denied, a resolution was taken to set fire to the town; after 
giving the inhabitants proper warning, a party landed, under 
cover of the men-of-war, and set fire to that part which lay 
nearest the shore ; but the flames were observed, at the same 
time, to break forth in every other part of the town, and the 
whole was soon reduced to ashes. 

253. This destruction occasioned a loss of more than three 
hundred thousand pounds sterling ; and Avas extremely impolitic, 
as a great part of the property belonged to those who had mani- 
fested a warm attachment to the cause of Britain. In the south- 
ern colonies of Carolina, the governors were expelled and 
obliged to take refuge on board of men-of-war, as lord Dun- 
more had been; as was likewise governor Martin of North 
Carolina, on a charge of attempting to raise the back settlers, 
chiefly Scots highlanders, against the colony. 

254. Having secured themselves from any attempt of these 
enemies, they proceeded to regulate their internal concerns, in 
the same manner as the rest of the colonies ; and by the end 
of the year 1775, the whole of America was united against 
Great Britain, in the most determined opposition ; and of all 
her vast possessions known by the name of the thirteen United 
Provinces, she possessed only the single town of Boston, in 
which her forces v/ere besieged by an enemy with whom they 



260 HISTORY OF 

were not able to cope, and by whom they expected, in a short 
time, to be expelled. 

255. The situation of the inhabitants of Boston, was pecu- 
liarly unhappy. After having failed in their attempts to leave 
the town, general Gage had consented to allow them to retire 
with their effects, but afterwards refused to fulfil his promise. 
When he resigned his place to general Howe in October, 1775, 
the latter, apprehensive that they might give intelligence of the 
situation of the British troops, strictly prohibited any person 
from leaving the place under pain of military execution. Thus 
matters continued until March, 1776, when the town was evac- 
uated. 

256. On the second of that month, general Washington 
opened a battery on the west side of the town, from whence it 
was bombarded, with a heavy fire of cannon at the same time ; 
and three days after, it was attacked by another battery from 
the eastern shore ; this continued for fourteen days without in- 
termission : when general Howe, finding the place no longer 
tenable, determined, if possible, to drive the enemy from their 
works. Preparations were therefore made for a most vigorous 
attack, on a hill called Dorchester-Neck, which the Americans 
had fortified in such a manner, as would have rendered the 
enterprise next to desperate. 

257. No difficulties, however, were sufficient to daunt the 
spirit of the general ; and every thing was in readiness, when 
a sudden storm prevented an exertion, which must have been 
productive of a dreadful waste of blood. Next day, upon a 
more close examination of the works, it was thought advisable 
to desist from the attack ; the fortifications being very strong, 
and well provided with artillery. 

258. Nothing now remained for the British but to retreat ; 
and to effect this, there appeared great difficulty and danger. 
But the Americans, knowing that it was in the power of the 
enemy to reduce the town to ashes, which could not have been 
repaired in many years, did not think proper to give the least 
molestation ; and for the space of a fortnight the troops were 
employed in the evacuation of the place, from whence they 
carried with them two thousand of the inhabitants, who durst 
not stay on account of their attachment to the British cause. 

259. From Boston they sailed to Halifax, but all their vigi- 
lance could not prevent a number of valuable ships from fall- 
ing into the hands of the provincials. A considerable quantity 
of cannon and ammunition had also been left at Bunker Hill 
and Boston Neck ; and in the town an immense variety of 



AMERICA. 261 

goods, principally of woollen and linen, of which the provin- 
cials stood very much in need. The estates of those who fled 
to Halifax were confiscated, as also of those who had remained 
in the town, and who had shown a decided attachment to the 
British government. 

260. An attack being expected as soon as the British forces 
should arrive, every method was employed to render the forti- 
fications impregnable. For this purpose some foreign engineers 
were employed, who had arrived at Boston ; and so eager were 
the people of all ranks to accomplish this business, that every 
able-bodied man in the place, without distinction of rank, set 
apart two days in the week to complete it the sooner. 



CHAPTER IV. 

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE ARMAMENT SENT AGAINST 

CHARLESTON. BATTLES OF LONG-ISLAND AND WHITE PLAINS. 

ALSO AT PRINCETON. AT BRANDYWINE. 

261. The Americans, exasperated by the proceedings of par- 
liament, which placed them out of the royal protection, and 
engaged foreign mercenaries in the plan of subduing them, now 
formally renounced all connexion with Britain, and declared 
themselves independent. This celebrated declaration was pub- 
lished on the fourth of July, 1776, and the preamble was as 
follows : 

" When in the course of human events it becomes necessary 
for one people to dissolve the political bands which have con- 
nected them with another, and to assume among the powers of 
the earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of 
nature and nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the 
opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the 
causes which impel them to the separation. 

Reason I. " We hold these truths to be self-evident — that all 
men are (treated equal ; that they are endowed by their Cre- 
ator with certain unalienable rights ; that among these are life, 
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. 

Reason II. " That to secure these rights, governments are 
instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the con- 
sent of the governed ; that whenever any form of government 
becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people 
to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, lay- 
ing its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers 



262 HISTORY OF 

in such form, as to them shall seem most Hkely to effect their 
safety and happiness. 

Reason III. " Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments 
long established, should not be changed for light and transient 
causes ; and, accordingly, all experience hath shown that man- 
kind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, 
than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they 
are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurp- 
ations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design 
to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is 
their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new 
guards for their future security. 

Reason IV. " Such has been the patient sufferance of these 
colonies ; and such is now the necessity which constrains them 
to alter their former systems of government. The history of 
the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated inju- 
ries and usurpations, all having for a direct object the estab- 
lishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove 
this, let facts be submitted to a candid world. 

Fact 1. "He has refused his assent to laws, the most whole- 
some and necessary for the public good. 

2. " He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of imme- 
diate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their opera- 
tion, till his assent should be obtained ; and when so suspended, 
he has utterly neglected to attend to them. 

3. " He has refused to pass other laws, for the accommoda- 
tion of large districts of people, unless those people would 
relinquish the right of representation in the Legislature — a right 
inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. 

4. "He has called together legislative bodies, at places un- 
usual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their 
public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into com- 
pliance with his measures. 

5. " He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for 
opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the 
People. 

6. " He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, 
to cause others to be elected ; whereby the legislative powers, 
incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large, 
for their exercise : the State remaining, in the mean time, ex- 
posed to all the danger of invasion from without, and convul- 
sions from within. 

7. " He has endeavored to prevent the population of these 
States ,- for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization 



AMERICA. 263 

of foreigners; refusing to pass others, to encourage their 
migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropria- 
tions of lands. 

8. " He has obstructed the administration of justice, by 
refusing his assent to laws for establishing Judiciary Powers. 

9. " He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the 
tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their 
salaries. 

10. " He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent 
hither swarms of officers, to harass our people, and eat out 
their substance. 

11. "He has kept among us, in time of peace, standing 
armies, without the consent of our Legislature. 

12. " He has affected to render the military independent of 
the civil power, and superior to it. 

13. "He has combined with others to subject us to a juris- 
diction, foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our 
laws ; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation. 

14. " For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us ; 

15. "For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment 
for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants 
of these States : — 

16. " For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world : — 

17. " For imposing taxes on us without our consent ; — 

18. "For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of 
trial by jury : — 

19. "For transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pre- 
tended offences : — 

20. " For abolishing the free system of English laws in a 
neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary govern- 
ment, and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it, at once, 
an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute 
rule into these colonies : — 

21. "For taking away our charters, abolishing our most 
valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our 
governments : — 

22. " For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring 
themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases 
whatsoever. 

23. " He has abdicated government here, by declaring us 
out of his protection, and waging war against us. 

24. " He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burned 
our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. 



264 HISTORY OF 

25. " He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign 
mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and 
tyranny already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and per- 
fidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally 
unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 

26. " He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive 
on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become 
the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall t-hem- 
selves by their hands. 

27. " He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and 
has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the 
merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an 
undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. 

28. " In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned 
for redress in the most humble terms : our repeated petitions 
have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince whose 
character is thus marked by every act which may define a 
tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a Free People. 

29. " Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British 
brethren. We have warned them, trom time to time, of at- 
tempts made by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable 
jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circum- 
stances of our emigration and settlement here. We have ap- 
pealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have 
conjured them, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow 
their usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our con- 
nexions and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the 
voice of justice and consanguinity. We must, therefore, ac- 
quiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and 
hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind — enemies in war 
....in peace, friends. 

262. " W^E, therefore, the Representatives of the United 
States of America, in Congress assembled, appealing to the 
Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, 
do, in the name and by the authority of the good People of 
these Colonies, solemnly declare, that these United Colonies 
are, and of right ought to be. Free and Independent States : — 
that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, 
and that all political connexion, between them and the State of 
Great Britain, is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that, 
as Free and Independent States, they have full power to levy 
war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, 
and to do all other acts and things which Independent States 
may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with 



AMERICA. 265 

a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mu- 
tually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our 
sacred honor." 

263. Previous to this, a circular letter had been sent through 
each colony, stating the reasons for it; and such was the ani- 
mosity everywhere prevailing against Great Britain, that it met 
with general approbation, except in the province of Maryland. 
It was not long, however, before the people of that colony, find- 
ing themselves left in a very dangerous minority, thought proper 
to accede to the measures of the rest. 

264. The manifesto itself was in the usual nervous style, 
stating a long list of grievances, for a redress of which they 
had often applied, but in vain ; for these reasons they deter- 
mined on a final separation ; and to hold the people of Great 
Britain, as well as the rest of mankind, " enemies in war — in 
peace, friends." 

265. After thus publicly throwing off all allegiance and hope 
of reconciliation, the colonists soon found that an exertion of 
all their strength would be necessary to support their preten- 
sions. Their arms had not been successful in Canada. Rein- 
forcements had been promised to general Arnold, who still 
continued to blockade' Quebec ; but they did not arrive in time 
to aid his operations. 

266. Being sensible that he must either desist from the en- 
terprise, or finish it successfully, he recommenced his opera- 
tions In form, and attempted to destroy the shipping and burn 
the town. He succeeded so far as to burn a number of houses 
in the suburbs, and the garrison were obliged to pull down the 
remainder, in order to prevent the fire from spreading. Not- 
withstanding the provincials were unable to reduce the town, 
they kept the garrison in continual alarm, and in a very disa- 
greeable situation. 

267. Some of the nobility collected in a body under the 
command of a gentleman whose name was Beaujeau, in order 
to relieve their capital ; but they were met on their march by 
the provincials, and defeated. The Americans had but little 
reason to plume themselves upon this success. Their want of 
artillery convinced them that it was impracticable to reduce a 
town so strongly fortified; the small-pox, at the same time, 
made its appearance in their camp, and carried off great num- 
bers ; intimidating the rest to such a degree, that they deserted 
in crowds. 

268. To add to their misfortunes, the British reinforcements 
unexpectedly appeared, and the ships made their way with such 

A. 



266 HISTORY OF 

surprising celerity through the ice, that one part of the army 
was separated from the other, and general Carleton sallying 
out, as soon as his reinforcement was landed, obliged the Ame- 
ricans to fly with precipitation, leaving behind them all their 
military stores ; at the same time their transports were captured 
by vessels sent up the river for that purpose. 

269. The provincials fled with such haste, they could not be 
overtaken ; so that none fell into the hands of the British, ex- 
cept the sick and wounded. General Carleton now gave an 
instance of humanity : being well apprized that many of the 
provincials had not been able to accompany the others in their 
retreat, and that they were concealed in the woods, in a very 
deplorable situation, he issued a proclamation, ordering persons 
to seek them, and give them relief at the public expense ; and 
lest, through fear of their being made prisoners, they should 
refuse these off*ers of humanity, he promised, they should be at 
liberty to depart to their respective homes, as soon as their 
situation enabled them. 

270. The British general, now freed from any danger of an 
attack, was soon enabled to act oflfensively against the provin- 
cials, by the arrival of the forces destined for that purpose from 
Britain. By these he was put at the head of twelve thousand 
regular troops ; among whom were those of Brunswick. 
With this force he set out for the Three Rivers, where he ex- 
pected Arnold would have made a stand ; but he had retired to 
Sorrel, a place one hundred and fifty miles from Quebec ; where 
he was met by the reinforcements ordered by Congress. 

271. Here an attempt was made to surprise the British 
troops, posted under generals Fraser and Nesbit ; the former 
commanded those on land ; the latter, such as were on board 
the transports, and were but little way distant. The enterprise 
was very hazardous, because the main body of the British 
forces had advanced within fifty miles of the place; and a 
number of armed vessels, and transports with troops, lay be- 
tween them and the Three Rivers. Two thousand chosen men, 
under general Thompson, engaged in this undertaking. Their 
success was not answerable to their spirit and valor. 

272. Though they passed the shipping without being observed, 
general Fraser had notice of their landing, and thus, being pre- 
pared to receive them, they were soon thrown into disorder ; 
at the same time general Nesbit, having landed his forces, pre- 
pared to attack them in the rear. On this occasion, some field- 
pieces did prodigious execution ; and a retreat was found to be 
unavoidable. General Nesbit was now between them and their 



AMERICA. 267 

boats ; so that they were obUged to take a circuit through a 
deep swamp, while they were pursued by both parties at the 
same time, who marched for some miles on each side of it, till at 
last the fugitives were sheltered from further danger by a wood. 
Their general was taken, with two hundred of his men. 

273. By this disaster, the provincials lost all hopes of accom- 
plishing any thing in Canada. They, therefore, demolished 
their works and carried off their artillery with the utmost expe- 
dition. They were afterwards pursued by general Burgoyne, 
against whom it was expected they would have collected all 
their force, and make a resolute stand. But they were now 
too much dispirited by misfortune, to make any more exertions 
of valor. On the eighteenth of June, 1776, the British general 
arrived at Fort St. Johns, which he found abandoned and burnt. 
Chamblee had shared the same fate ; as well as all the vessels 
that were not capable of being dragged up the river. It was 
thought they would have made some resistance at Nut-Island, 
the entrance to lake Champlain : but this also they abandoned ; 
and retreated across the lake to Crown-Point, whither they 
could not be immediately followed. 

274. Thus was the province of Canada entirely evacuated 
by the provincials, whose loss in their retreat from Quebec, 
was calculated at not less than one thousand men, of whom 
four hundred fell into the hands of the enemy at a place called 
the Cedars, about fifty miles from Montreal. General Sullivan, 
who conducted this retreat, after the affair of general Thomp- 
son, had great merit in what he did, and received the thanks 
of Congress accordingly. 

275. This bad success in the north was in some measure 
compensated by what happened in the southern colonies. It has 
been before noticed that governor Martin, of North Carolina, 
had been obliged to leave his province, and take refuge on 
board a man-of-war. Notwithstanding, he did not despair of 
reducing it again to obedience. He therefore, applied to the 
Regulators, a daring set of banditti, who lived in a kind of 
independent state ; and though considered by government as 
rebels, yet had never been molested, on account of their known 
skill in the use of fire-arms. To the chiefs of these people com- 
missions were sent, in order to raise some regiments ; and a 
colonel Macdonald was appointed to command them. In the 
month of February he erected the king's standard, issued pro- 
clamations, and collected some forces ; expecting soon to be 
joined by a body of regular troops, who were known to be 
on their way from Britain to act against the southern colonies. 



268 HISTORY OF 

276. The Americans, sensible of the danger, dispatched im- 
mediately what forces they had to act against the royalists: at 
the same time they exerted themselves to support these with 
suitable reinforcements. General Moore's numbers, at first, 
were inferior to Macdonald's, which induced the latter to hope 
that he might intimidate him to join the king's standard ; with 
this intention he summoned him, under pain of being treated 
as a rebel, if he refused. But Moore being well provided with 
cannon, and conscious that nothing could be attempted against 
him, returned the comphment, by acquainting Macdonald, that 
if he and his party would lay down their arms, and subscribe 

'"an oath of fidelity to congress, they should be treated as friends, 
but if they persisted in an undertaking for which it was evi- 
dent they had not sufficient strength, they could not but expect 
the severest treatment. 

277. In a few days, general Moore found himself at the head 
of 8000 men, by reason of the continual supplies which daily 
arrived from all parts. The royal party amounted only to 
2000, and as they were destitute of artillery, they were pre- 
vented from attacking the enemy with success, when they had 
the advantage of numbers. Nothing now remained but to have 
recourse to a desperate exertion of their own personal valor ; 
by dint of which they effected a retreat for eighty miles to 
Moore's Creek, within sixteen miles of Wilmington. Could 
they have gained this place, they expected to have been joined 
by governor Martin and general Clinton, who had lately ar- 
rived with a considerable detachment. 

278. Moore, with his army, pursued them so closely, that 
they were obliged to attempt the passage of the creek, on the 
opposite side of which was colonel Caswell, with a considerable 
body of provincials posted to oppose his passage, with fortifica- 
tions well planted with cannon. On attempting the creek, it 
was found not to be fordable. They were obliged to have re- 
course to a wooden bridge, which the provincials had not time 
entirely to destroy. However, by pulling up part of the planks, 
and greasing the remainder, they had made the passage so diffi- 
cult that the royalists could not succeed. 

279. In this situation they were, on the 27th of February, 
1776, attacked by Moore, and totally defeated, with the loss of 
their general, most of their leaders, and the bravest of their 
men. Thus was the power of the provincials established in 
North Carolina. Nor were they less successful in Virginia, 
where lord Dunmore, having long continued a predatory war, 
was at last driven from every creek and road in the province. 



AMERICA. 269 

The people he had with him were distressed by confinement in 
small vessels : the heat of the season, and the numbers crowded 
together, produced a pestilential fever, which made great havoc, 
especially among the blacks. At last, finding themselves in 
danger of perishing by famine and disease, they set fire to their 
vessels, reserving only about fifty for themselves, in which they 
bid adieu to Virginia, some sailing to Florida, some to Ber- 
muda, and the rest to the West-Indies. 

280. In South Carolina, the provincials had a more formi- 
dable enemy to deal with. A squadron, whose object was the 
reduction of Charleston, had been fitted out in December, 1775, 
but by reason of unfavorable weather did not reach Cape Fear 
in North Carolina till the month of May, 1776 ; and here it 
met with further obstacles to the end of the month. Thus the 
Americans had time to strengthen the works of Charleston in 
such a manner as rendered it difficult to be attacked. 

281. The British squadron consisted of two fifty-gun ships, 
four of thirty guns, two of twenty, and an armed schooner, 
and bomb-ketch, all under the command of Sir Peter Parker. 
The land forces were commanded by lord Cornwallis, with 
genera-Is Clinton and Vaughan. As they had no intelligence 
of the evacuation of Boston, general Howe dispatched a vessel 
to Cape Fear with some instructions ; but it was too late ; and 
in the beginning of June, the squadron anchored off Charleston 
bar. Here they met with some difficulty in crossing, being 
obliged to take out the guns from the two largest ships, which 
were several times in danger of running aground. The next 
obstacle was an unfinished fort on Sullivan's island, six miles 
east of Charleston : the British generals resolved to attack it ; 
but though an attack was easy from the sea-board, it was diffi- 
cult to obtain a co-operation of the land forces. 

282. This was, however, attempted, by landing them on 
Long Island adjacent to Sullivan's Island on the east, from 
which it is separated by a very narrow creek, not above two 
feet deep at low water. Opposite to this ford, the provincials 
had posted a strong body of troops, with cannon and intrench- 
ments ; while general Lee was stationed on the main land, with 
a bridge of boats betwixt that and Sullivan's Island, so that he 
could, at pleasure, send reinforcements to the troops in the fort 
on Sullivan's Island. 

283. So many delays occurred on the part of the British, 
that it was the 24th of June, 177&, before matters were in 
readiness for an attack ; and, by this time, the provincials had 
provided for their reception. On the morning of that day, the 

X2 



270 HISTORY OF 

bomb-ketch began to throw shells into fort Sullivan, and about 
noon the two fifty-gun ships and thirty-gun frigates began a 
severe fire. The other frigates were ordered to take their 
station between Charleston and the fort, in order to enfilade the 
batteries, and cut off the communication with the main land ; 
but through the ignorance of the pilots they all grounded : two 
were rendered unfit for- service ; and the third was burned, that 
she might not fall into the hands of their enemy. 

284. The attack was therefore confined to the five armed 
vessels, and bomb-ketch, between which and the fort a dreadful 
fire ensued. The Bristol suffered excessively : the springs on 
her cable being shot away, she was, for a time, entirely ex- 
posed to the enemy's fire. As the provincials poured in great 
quantities of hot balls, she was twice in flames. Captain Mor- 
ris, her commander, after receiving five wounds, was obliged 
to go below deck in order to have his arm amputated : after 
undergoing this operation, he returned to his station, where he 
received another wound, but still refused to quit his place ; at 
last he received a shot, which instantly put an end to his fife. 
Of all the officers and seamen who stood on the quarter-deck 
of this vessel, not one escaped without a wound, except Sir 
Peter Parker, whose intrepidity and presence of mind, on this 
occasion, were very remarkable. 

285. The engagement lasted until the darkness put an end 
to it. Little damage was done by the British, as the works of 
their enemy lay so low, that many of the shot flew over ; and 
the fortifications, being composed of palm trees, mixed with 
earth, were well calculated to resist the impression of cannon. 
At one period of the attack, the batteries of the provincials were 
silent, so that it was concluded they had been abandoned ; but 
this was found to proceed from want of powder : for as soon as 
a supply of this article was obtained, the firing was resumed as 
brisk as before. During the whole of this engagement, it was 
found impossible for the British land forces to render any assist- 
ance to their fleet. 

286. In this unsuccessful attempt, the loss of the British in 
killed and wounded was two hundred. The Bristol and Expe- 
riment were so much damaged, it was thought they could not 
get over the bar : but this they did accomplish by great exer- 
tion of naval skill, to the surprise of the provincials, who ex- 
pected to liave made them prizes. The Americans lost in this 
engagement but ten killed, and twenty-two wounded. 

287. In the beginning of March, commodore Hopkins was 
dispatched by Congress, with five frigates, to the Bahama islands, 



AMERICA. 271 

where he made himself master of the ordnance and mihtary 
stores j but the gunpowder, which had been the principal object, 
was removed. On his return he captured several vessels ; 
but was foiled in his attempt on the Glasgow frigate, which 
found means to escape, notwithstanding the efforts of the whole 
squadron. 

288. Hitherto the Americans had been generally successful : 
they had now to experience misfortune, misery, and disappoint- 
ment ; the enemy overrunning the country, and their own 
armies not able to face them in the field. The province of New- 
York, being the most accessible by sea, was made the object of 
the main attack. The force sent against it, consisted of six 
ships of the line, thirty frigates, other armed vessels, and a vast 
number of transports. The fleet was commanded by lord Howe ; 
and his brother, general Sir William Howe, was to command 
the land forces. The latter arrived before his brother, and lay 
ofl^ New-York, but did not attempt hostilities, until he should 
be joined by him. 

289. The Americans had fortified New-York, and the adja- 
cent islands, in an extraordinary manner. General Howe, not- 
withstanding, was suffered to land his troops on Staten Island, 
where he was soon joined by a number of the inhabitants. 
About the middle of July, lord Howe arrived with the grand 
armament, and being one of the commissioners appointed to 
receive the submission of the colonists, he published a circular 
letter to the several governors, who had been expelled from 
their provinces, desiring them to make public the extent of the 
powers he was invested with by parliament. 

290. In this respect, the Congress saved him trouble, by 
ordering his letter and declaration to be published in all the 
newspapers, " That every one might see the insidiousness of the 
British ministry ; and that they had nothing to trust to, besides 
the exertion of their own valor." 

291. Lord Howe next sent a letter to general Washington; 
but as it was directed " To George Washington, Esq." the 
general refused to accept it, as not being in a style suited to his 
station. To obviate this objection, adjutant-general Patterson 
was sent with another letter directed " To George Washington, 
&c. &c." but though a very polite reception was given to the 
bearer, general Washington refused the letter, nor could any 
explanation of the adjutant induce him' to accept of it. The 
only interesting part was that relating to the powers of the 
commissioners, of whom lord Howe was one. 

292. The adjutant told him these powers were very exten- 



272 HISTORY OF 

sive ; that the commissioners were determined to exert them- 
selves to the utmost to effect a reconciliation ; and he hoped the 
general would consider this visit as a step towards it. General 
Washington replied, " It did not appear that these powers con- 
sisted in any thing else than granting pardons : as America had 
committed no offence, she asked no forgiveness ; and was only- 
defending her unquestionable rights." 

293. The decision being now left to the sword, hostilities 
commenced as soon as the British troops could be collected; 
which was not before the month of August, when they landed 
without opposition on Long Island, opposite to the shore of Sta- 
ten Island. General Putnam, with a large body of troops, lay 
encamped and strongly fortified on a peninsula on the opposite 
shore, with a range of hills between the armies, the principal 
pass of which was near a place called Flat-Bush ; here the 
centre of the British army, consisting of Hessians, took post ; 
the left wing under general Grant, and the right under lord 
Percy, Cornwallis, and general Clinton. Putnam had ordered 
these passes to be secured by large detachments, which was 
executed immediately with those that were near ; but one of 
the most importance, laying at a distance, Avas neglected. 
I'hrough this a large body of troops under lord Percy and Clin- 
ton, passed, and attacked the Americans in the rear, while they 
were engaged with the Hessians in front. 

294. Through this piece of negligence their defeat became 
i inevitable. Those who were engaged with the Hessians, first 
perceived the mistake, and retreated towards their camp ; but 
the passage was intercepted by the British troops, who drove 
them back into the woods. Here they were met by the Hes- 
sians, and were slaughtered between two parties, there being 
no way of escape but by forcing their way through the British 
troops, and thus regaining their camp. 

295. In this attemipt many perished ; and the right wing, 
engaged with general Grant, shared the same fate. The vic- 
tory was complete ; and the Americans lost, on this fatal day, 
August 27th, upwards of one thousand men, and two gene- 
rals ; several officers of distinction were made prisoners, with 
a number of privates. Among the slain, a regiment, consist- 
ing of young gentlemen of fortune and family in Maryland, 
was almost entirely cut to pieces, and of the survivors not one 
escaped without a wound. 

296. The ardor of the British troops was now so great, they 
could scarcely be restrained from attacking the lines of the 
provincials ; but for this there was now no occasion, as it was 



AMERICA. 273 

certain they could not be defended ; bat had the ardor of the 
soldiers been seconded, and general Howe pursued his victory, 
it might have given such a blow to the Americans, and such a 
turn to their affairs, that they would not have been able to regain 
that confidence in their own strength, they had hitherto main- 
tained. Happily for us, the conquerors remained inactive. 

297. Of the British and Hessians, about four, hundred and 
tifty were lost in this engagement. As none of the American 
commanders thought it proper to risk another attack, it was 
resolved to abandon their camp as soon as possible. Accord- 
ingly, on the 29th of August, the whole of the continental 
troops were ferried over from Brooklyn to New-York, with tho 
utmost secrecy and silence ; so that, in the morning, the British 
had nothing to do but take possession of the camp and artillery 
which had been abandoned. 

298. This victory, though complete, was far from being so 
decisive as the conquerors imagined. Lord Howe, supposing 
it would be sufficient to intimidate congress, sent general Sulli- 
van, who had been taken prisoner in the late action, to con- 
gress, with a message, importing, " that though he could not 
treat with them as a legal assembly, yet he would be glad to 
confer with any of the members in a private capacity ;" stating, 
at the same time, the nature and extent of his power as com- 
missioner. 

299. But the congress were not at all inclined to derogate 
from the dignity of character they had assumed. They replied, 
" that the congress of the free and independent States of Ame- 
rica, could not, consistently, send any of its members in any- 
other capacity than that which they had publicly assumed ; but 
as they were extremely desirous of restoring peace to their 
country upon equitable conditions, they would appoint a com- 
mittee of their body to wait upon him, and learn what proposals 
he had to make." 

300. The committee, appointed by congress, was composed 
of Franklin, Adams, and Rutledge. They were very politely 
received by his lordship ; but the conference proved fruitless. 
The final answer of the deputies was, " that they were willing 
to enter into any treaty with Great Britain that might conduce 
to the good of both nations : but they would not treat in any 
other character than that of Independent States." This posi- 
tive declaration put an end to all hopes of reconciliation, and 
it was resolved to prosecute the war with the utmost vigor. 

301. Lord Howe, after publishing a manifesto, in which he 
declared the refusal of congress ; and that himself was willing 



274 HISTORY OF 

to confer with all well-disposed persons about the means of 
restoring public tranquillity, set about the most proper methods 
for reducing the city of New- York. Here the provincial troops 
were posted, and, from a great number of batteries, kept con- 
tinually annoying the British shipping. The East river, about 
twelve hundred yards in breadth, lay between them, which the 
British troops were extremely desirous of passing. 

302. At last the ships, after an incessant cannonade of sev- 
eral days, silenced the batteries ; a body of troops was sent 
up the river to a baj^, about three miles distant, v/here the for- 
tifications were less strong than in other places. Here, having 
driven off the Americans by the cannon of the fleet, they 
marched directly towards the city ; but the provincials, finding 
they should now be attacked on all sides, abandoned the city, 
and retreated to the north of the island, where their principal 
force was collected. In their passage they skirmished with the 
British, but carefully avoided a general engagement ; and it 
was observed they did not behave with that ardor and impetuous 
valor which had hitherto marked their character. 

303. The British and American armies were now not above 
two miles from each other. The provincials, who lay directly 
opposite, had strengthened their camp with many fortifications ; 
and, at the same time, were masters of all the passes and defiles 
betwixt the two camps : thus were they enabled to maintain 
their station against an army much more numerous than their 
own : they had also strongly fortified a pass called King's 
Bridge, on the northern extremity of the island, whence they 
could secure a passage to the continent in case of any misfor- 
tune. Here general Washington, in order to inure the provin- 
cials to actual service, and, at the same time, to annoy the 
enemy as much as possible, employed his troops in continual 
skirmishes ; by which it was observed they recovered their 
spirits, and behaved with their usual boldness. 

304. As the situation of the two armies was now highly 
inconvenient to the British generals, it was resolved to make 
such movements as might oblige general Washington to relin- 
quish his strong situation. A few days after New- York was 
evacuated by the Americans, a dreadful fire broke out, said to 
be occasioned by the licentious conduct of some of its new 
masters ; and had it not been for the active exertions of the 
sailors and soldiery, the whole town probably would have been 
consumed ; the wind being high, and the weather remarkably 
dry, about a thousand houses were destroyed. 

305. General Howe, having left lord Percy with a sufficient 



AMERICA. 275 

tbrce to garrison New-York, embarked his army in flat-bottomed 
boats, by which they were conveyed through the dangerous 
passage called Hurl Gate, and landed at Frog's Point, near the 
town of West-Chester, lying on the continent towards Con- 
necticut. Here, having received a supply of men and pro- 
visions, they moved, on the twenty-first of October, to New 
Rochelle, situated on the Sound which separates Long Island 
from the continent. 

306. After this, still receiving reinforcements, they made 
such movements as threatened to distress the Americans very 
much, by cutting off their convoys of provisions from Con- 
necticut, and thus force them to an engagement. This general 
Washington determined at all events to avoid. He therefore 
extended his forces into a long line opposite the way in which 
the enemy marched, keeping the Brunx, a river of considerable 
magnitude, between the two armies, with the North River in 
his rear. Here the provincials continued for some time to skir- 
mish with the" royal army, until, by some manoeuvres, the 
British general found means to attack them on the twenty-eighth 
of October, 1776, at a place called the White Plains, and drove 
them from some of their posts. 

307. The success on this occasion was not so complete as 
on the former ; however, it obliged the provincials to change 
their ground, and retreat further up the country. General 
Howe pursued them for some time ; but finding all his endea- 
vors to bring on a general action fruitless, he determined to 
give over the pursuit, and employ himself in reducing the forts 
which the Americans still retained in the neighborhood of New- 
York. 

308. Fort Washington was the only post the Americans then 
held on New- York island, and was under the command of 
colonel Magaw. The royal army made four attacks upon it. 
The first, on the north side, was led on by general Knyphau- 
zen : the second, on the east, by general Matthews, supported 
by lord Cornwallis : the third was under the direction of lieu- 
tenant-colonel Sterling : and the fourth by lord Percy. The 
troops under Knyphauzen, when advancing to the fort, had to 
pass through a thick wood, which was occupied by Rawling's 
regiment of riflemen, and suffered very much from their well- 
directed fire. 

309. During this attack, a body of British light-infantry ad- 
vanced against a party of the Americans, who were annoying 
them from behind rocks and trees, and obliged them to dis- 
perse. Lord Percy carried an advance work on his side ; and 



276 HISTORY OF 

lieutenant-colonel Sterling forced his way up a steep ascent 
and took one hundred and seventy prisoners. Their outworks 
being carried, the Americans left their lines, and crowded into 
the fort. Colonel Rahl, who led the right column of Knyphau- 
zen's attack, pushed forwards, and lodged his column within a 
hundi-ed yards of the fort, and was there soon joined by the 
left column. On Nov. 16th, the garrison surrendered on terms 
of capitulation, by which the men were to be considered as 
prisoners of war, and the officers to keep their baggage and 
side-arms. The number of prisoners amounted to two thousand 
seven hundred. The loss of the British army was also consid- 
erable. 

310. Shortly after the surrender of fort Washington, fort 
Lee, situated on the opposite shore of the North River, was 
evacuated by the Americans at the approach of lord Cornwal- 
lis ; and at the expense of their artillery and stores. Fort Lee 
being evacuated by the Americans, the Jerseys lay open to the 
incursions of the British troops, and was so entirely taken pos- 
session of by the royal army, that their winter-quarters ex- 
tended from New-Brunswick to the river Delaware. Had any 
number of boats been at hand, it was thought Philadelphia 
would have fallen into their hands : but all these had been care- 
fully removed by the Americans. 

311. Instead of this enterprise. Sir Henry Clinton undertook 
an expedition to Rhode-Island, and became master of it with- 
out losing a man. His expedition was also attended with this 
advantage to him ; the American fleet, under commodore Hop- 
kins, was obliged to sail so far up Providence river, that it was 
entirely useless. The same ill success attended the Americans 
in other parts. After their expulsion from Canada, they had 
crossed lake Champlain, and taken up their quarters at Crown 
Point : here they remained for some time, in safety, as the 
British had no vessels on the lake; and consequently general 
Burgoyne could not pursue them. 

312. To remedy this deficiency, there was no other method 
but to construct vessels on the spot, or take to pieces- some ves- 
sels already constructed, and drag them up the river into the 
lake. This was effected in the space of three months ; and 
the British general, after incredible toil and difficulty, saw him- 
self in possession of a great number of vessels : by which 
means, he was enabled to pursue his enemies, and invade them 
in his turn. The labor undergone at this time, by the sea and 
land forces, must have been prodigious ; since they had con- 
veyed over land, and dragged up the rapids of St. Lawrence, 



AMERICA. 277 

no fewer than thirty large long-boats, four hundred bateaux, 
besides a vast number of flat-bottomed boats, and a gondola of 
thirty tons. 

313. The intent of the expedition was to push forward, be- 
fore winter, to Albany, where the army would take up its 
winter-quarters ; and the next spring efiect a junction with that 
under general Howe ; when it was not doubted that the united 
force and skill of the two commanders would speedily put an 
end to the war. 

314. It was the beginning of October, before the expedition 
could be undertaken; the fleet consisted of one large vessel, 
carrying 18 twelve-pounders; two schooners, the one carrying 
14, the other 12 six-pounders; a large flat-bottomed radeau, 
with six twenty-four, and six twelve-pounders ; and a gondola 
with eight nine-pounders ; besides these, there were twenty ves- 
sels of a smaller size ; also gun-boats, carrying each a piece 
of brass ordnance, from nine to twenty-four-pounders, or how- 
itzers. Several long-boats were fitted out in the same manner, 
and a vast number of boats and tenders of various sizes, to be 
used as transports for the troops and baggage. It was manned 
by a number of select seamen ; and the gun-boats w^ere served 
by a detachment from the corps of artillery. The officers and 
soldiers appointed for this expedition, were also chosen out of 
the whole army. 

315. The American force was too inconsiderable to with- 
stand this formidable armament ; general Arnold, who com- 
manded it, after engaging the British fleet for a whole day, 
took advantage of the darkness of the night to set sail without 
being perceived, and was next morning out of sight : but he 
was so quickly pursued by the British, that on the second day, 
he was overtaken and forced to an engagement. 

316. Notwithstanding his gallant behavior, he was obliged 
to run his ships ashore, and set them on fire. A few only es- 
caped to lake George ; and the garrison of Crown Point, having 
destroyed or carried off every thing of value, retired to Ticon- 
deroga. Thither general Carleton intended to have pursued 
them ; but the difficulties he had to encounter were so many, 
and so great, that it was thought proper to march back into 
Canada, and desist from any further operations until the next 
spring. 

3lV. The American aflfairs now seemed everywhere going 
to ruin ; even those who had been most sanguine in her cause, 
began to despair. The time also for which the soldiers had 
enlisted, was now expired ; and the bad success of the pre- 

Y 



278 HISTORY OF 

ceding campaign had been so very discouraging, that no person 
was willing to engage himself during the continuance of the 
war, of which the event appeared so doubtful. General Wash- 
ington had the mortifying evidence of the daily decrease of his 
army ; so that from thirty thousand, of which it consisted when 
general Howe landed on Staten-Island, scarce a tenth part could 
be mustered. General Lee had collected a body of troops to 
assist the commander-in-chief, but having imprudently taken 
up his lodgings at a distance from the troops, information was 
given to colonel Harcourt, who happened to be in the neigh- 
borhood, and took him prisoner. 

318. The loss of this general was much regretted, especially 
as he was of higher rank than any prisoner in possession of 
the colonists, and could not therefore be exchanged. Six field- 
officers were offered in exchange for him, and refused ; and 
Congress was highly irritated when it was reported he was to 
be treated as a deserter, having been a half-pay officer in the 
British service at the commencement of the war. They issued 
a proclamation, threatening to retaliate on the prisoners, in their 
possession, whatever punishment should be inflicted on any of 
those taken by the British ; and that their conduct should be 
regulated by the treatment of general Lee. 

319. Congress now proceeded with the utmost diligence to 
recruit their army ; and bound their soldiers to serve for the 
term of three years, or during the continuance of the war. 
The army, for the ensuing campaign, was to consist of eighty- 
eight battalions, of which each province was to contribute its 
quota ; and twenty dollars were offered as a bounty to each 
soldier, besides an allotment of lands at the end of the vvar. 

320. In this agreement, it was stipulated, that each soldier 
should have one hundred acres, an ensign one hundred and 
fifty, a lieutenant two hundred, a captain three hundred, a major 
four hundred, a lieutenant-colonel four hundred and fifty, and 
a colonel five hundred. Those who only enlisted for three years, 
were not entitled to any lands. Those who were wounded in 
the service, both officers and soldiers, were to enjoy half-pay 
during life. To meet this expense. Congress borrowed five 
millions of dollars at five per cent., for which the United States 
was security. 

321. At the same time, a declaration was published, tending 
to animate the people to vigorous exertions, in which they set 
forth the necessity there was of taking proper methods for 
securing success. They endeavored to palliate, as much as 
possible, the misfortunes which had already happened ; and re- 



AMERICA. 279 

presented the true cause of the present distress to be the short 
term of enUstment. 

322. This declaration, and the imminent danger of Phila- 
delphia, roused the Americans to exert themselves to obtain 
reinforcements for general Washington's army. An exploit of 
that general did more to animate them in the cause, than all 
the declarations of congress. As the royal army extended in 
different cantonments for a great way, general Washington saw 
the practicability of making an attempt on some of those divi- 
sions which lay nearest to Philadelphia. These happened to 
be the Hessians, who lay in three divisions, the last only twenty 
miles from that city. On the night of the 25th of December, 
1776, having collected a considerable force, he set out with 
an intent to surprise that body of the enemy which lay at 
Trenton. 

.323. His army was divided into three bodies ; one of which 
he ordered to cross the Delaware at Trenton ferry, a little 
below the town ; the second at Bordentown, where the second 
division of Hessians was placed ; while himself, with the third, 
directed his course to a ferry some miles above Trenton, which 
he intended to have passed at midnight, and make the attack 
at break of day ; but various impediments so obstructed his 
plans, that it was eight in the morning before ho reached the 
place of his destination. The enemy did not perceive his ap- 
proach till they were suddenly attacked. Colonel Rahl, their 
commander, was mortally wounded, his troops were entirely 
broken, their artillery seized, and about one thousand taken 
prisoners. After this gallant exploit, general Washington re- 
turned into Pennsylvania. 

324. This action, though to appearance of no very decisive 
nature, was what turned the fortune of war in favor of Ame- 
rica. It lessened the apprehensions which the Americans had 
of the Hessians, at the same time that it equally abated the con- 
fidence which the British had till now put in them ; it also 
raised the desponding hopes of the Americans, and gave a new- 
spring to all their operations. Reinforcements now came in 
from all quarters, and general Washington soon found himself 
in a condition once more to repass the Delaware, and take up 
his quarters in Trenton, where he was emboldened to take his 
station, notwithstanding accounts were received of the advance 
of Cornwallis, who shortly made his appearance ; and on the 
evening of his arrival, the little town of Trenton contained the 
two hostile armies, separated only by a small creek, which was 
fordable in many places. 



230 HISTORY OF 

325. This was indeed the crisis of the American revolution ; 
and had his lordship made an immediate attack, in pursuance 
of what is reported to have been the advice of Sir William 
Erskine, general Washington's defeat would have been inevi- 
table ; but a night's delay turned the fortune of the war, and 
produced an enterprise, the magnitude and glory of which can 
only be equalled by its success. 

326. A council of war having been called, general Wash- 
ington stated the calamitous situation to which his army was 
reduced, and after hearing the various opinions of his officers, 
finally proposed a circuitous march to Princeton, as the means 
of avoiding the imputation of a retreat, and the danger of a 
battle, with forces so inferior and in a situation so ineligible. 
The idea was unanimously approved, and as soon as it was 
dark, the necessary measures were effected for accomplishing 
it. A line of fires was kindled, which served to give light to 
the Americans, while it obscured them from the observation of 
the enemy ; the weather, which had been for some time warm 
and foggy, suddenly changed to a hard frost, and rendered the 
road, which had been deep and heavy, smooth and firm as a 
pavement. The Americans considered this as a providential 
interposition in their favor. 

327. At break of day, general Washington was discovered by 
a party of British troops consisting of three regiments, under the 
command of colonel Mawhood, near Princeton, on their march 
to Trenton. With these the centre of the Americans engaged, 
and after killing sixty, wounding many, and taking three hun- 
dred prisoners, obliged the rest to make a precipitate retreat ; 
some towards Trenton, and others to Brunswick. The loss of 
the Americans, as to numbers, was inconsiderable, but the fall 
of general Mercer was sensibly felt. 

328. The British, astonished and discouraged at the success 
and spirit of these repeated enterprises, abandoned Trenton 
and Princeton, and retreated to Brunswick ; while the Ameri- 
cans triumphantly retired to Morristown. General Washington 
omitted no opportunity of recovering what had been lost ; and 
by dividing his army into small parties, which could be called 
into general action at a few hours' notice, he almost entirely 
covered the country with it, and took possession of the most 
important places. 

329. Thus ended the campaign of 1776, with no other real 
advantage to the British, than the acquisition of New-York and 
a few fortresses in the neighborhood, where the troops were 
constrained to act with as much circumspection, as if they had 



AMERICA. 281 

been besieged by a victorious army, instead of being themselves 
the conquerors. 

3.30. The British in New- York began, in 1777, to carry on 
a kind of predatory war, by sending out parties to destroy mag- 
azines, make incursions, and take or destroy such forts as lay 
on the banks of rivers accessible to their shipping : in this they 
were generally successful ; the American magazines at Peek's- 
kill, a place about fifty miles distant from New- York, were 
destroyed ; the town of Danbury in Connecticut was burned, 
and that of Ridgefield in the same province was taken pos- 
session of. 

331. The British, as they were returning from this last 
expedition, were harassed by generals Arnold, Wooster, and 
Sullivan ; but they made good their retreat, in spite of all oppo- 
sition, with the loss of only seventy killed and wounded. On 
the American side the loss was much greater : general Wooster 
was killed, and Arnold was in the most imminent danger. On 
the other hand, the Americans destroyed the stores at Sagg-har- 
bor, in the east end of Long-Island, and made prisoners of all 
who defended the place. 

332. As this method of making war answered no essential 
purpose, the British resolved to make an attempt on Philadel- 
phia. It was first proposed to pass through New-Jersey to 
that city ; but the impolitic conduct of the British, in counte- 
nancing the devastation of their plundering parties, had created 
universal abhorrence ; from the large reinforcements which had 
joined general Washington, who had strongly posted himself, 
they concluded it to be impracticable. Many stratagems were 
used to draw him from his situation, but without success ; it 
was therefore determined to make the attempt by sea. 

333. While the preparations were going forward for this 
enterprise, the Americans found means to capture general 
Prescot and one of his aids, who were seized in their quarters, 
much in the same manner as general Lee had been. 

334. The month of July, 1777, was far advanced before the 
preparations for the expedition against Philadelphia were com- 
pleted, and it was the twenty-third before the fleet was able to 
sail from Sandy-Hook. The force employed in this expedition 
consisted of thirty-six battalions of British and Hessians, a 
regiment of light-horse, and a body of royalists raised at New- 
York. The remainder of the forces, consisting of seventeen 
battalions, and another body of light-horse, had been stationed 
at New- York under Sir Henry Clinton ; and seven battalions 
at Rhode Island. 

Y2 



282 HISTORY OF 

335. After they arrived at the mouth of the Delaware, they 
received certain intelligence that the navigation of the river 
was so obstructed it would be impossible to force a passage ; it 
was therefore resolved to proceed farther southward to Chesa- 
peake bay, from whence the distance to Philadelphia was not 
very great, and where the American army would find less ad- 
vantage from the nature of the country, than in New-Jersey. 

336. The navigation from the Delaware to the Chesapeake 
took up the best part of the month of August, and that up the 
bay was difficult and tedious. After having sailed up the river 
Elk as far as possible, the troops were landed without opposi- 
tion, and moved towards Philadelphia. 

337. On the news of their arrival in the Chesapeake, gene- 
ral Washington left New- Jersey, and fled to the relief of the 
city ; and, in the beginning of September, met the royal army 
at Brandywine creek, about mid-way between the head of Elk 
and Philadelphia. General Washington practised his former 
method of skirmishing, and harassing the army on its march : 
but as this was found insufficient to stop its course, he retired to 
that side of the creek next to Philadelphia, with an intent to 
dispute the passage. A general engagement commenced on the 
eleventh of September, 1777, in which the Americans were 
defeated ; and, perhaps, the night saved them from total de- 
struction. They lost, in this engagement, about one thousand 
killed and wounded, besides three hundred who were taken 
prisoners. 

338. The loss of this battle proved the loss of Philadelphia. 
General Washington retired towards Lancaster, about sixty 
miles from Philadelphia. But though he could not prevent the loss 
of that city, he still adhered to his original plan of distressing 
the royal party, by laying ambushes, and cutting off de- 
tached parties ; in this he was not so successful as formerly ; 
for one of his own detachments, which lay in ambush in the 
woods, was surprised, and entirely defeated, with the loss of 
three hundred killed and wounded ; besides seventy or eighty 
taken prisoners, and all their arms and baggage. 

339. General Howe finding the Americans would not ven- 
ture another battle, even for the sake of their capital, took 
peaceable possession of it on the 26th of September. His first 
care was to cut off, by strong batteries, the communication 
between the upper and lower parts of the river ; this was exe- 
cuted, notwithstanding the opposition of some American armed 
vessels; one of which, carrying thirty-six guns, was taken. 
His next task was to open a communication with the sea ; and 



AMERICA. 283 

this was a work of no small difficulty. A vast number of bat- 
teries and forts had been erected, and machines formed like 
checaux defrize had been sunk in the river, to prevent its 
navigation. 

340. As the fleet had been sent round to the Delaware \n 
order to co-operate with the army, this work was effected ; nor 
did the Americans give much opposition, well knowing that all 
places of this kind were now untenable. General Washington, 
however, took advantage of the royal army being divided, to 
attack the principal division of it, that lay at Germantown in 
the neighborhood of Philadelphia. 

341. In this he met with little success ; for though he reached 
the place of destination by three o'clock in the morning, the 
patrols had time to call the troops to arms. The Americans 
made a very resolute attack ; but were received with so much 
bravery, that they were compelled to abandon the attempt, after 
having upwards of two hundred killed, five hundred wounded, 
and four hundred made prisoners ; among whom were fifty-four 
officers. On the side of the British the loss amounted to four 
hundred and thirty wounded and prisoners, and seventy killed ; 
among the last, were general Agnew and colonel Bird, with som.e 
other officers. 

342. There still remained two strong forts to be reduced on 
the Delaware. These were Mud Island and Red Bank. The 
various obstructions which the Americans had thrown in the 
way, rendered it necessary to bring up the Augusta, a ship of 
the line, and the Merlin frigate, to the attack of Mud Island ; 
but during the heat of the action, both grounded. The Ameri- 
cans observing this, sent down four fire-ships, and directed the 
whole fire from their galleys against them ; but the courage and 
skill of the British seamen, prevented the former from taking 
effect : during the engagement the Augusta and Merlin took 
fire, and were burned ; the other ships withdrew. 

343. The Americans, encouraged by this, proceeded to 
throw new obstructions in the way; but the British general 
erected batteries within gun-shot of the fort by land, and brought 
up three ships of the line, mounted with heavy cannon ; while 
the Vigilant, mounted with 24 pounders, made her way to a 
position from which she might enfilade the works on Mud Island. 
This gave the British such an advantage, that the post was no 
longer tenable. 

344. Colonel Smith, who had with great gallantry defended 
the fort from the latter end of September to the 11th of No- 
vember, 1777, being wounded, was removed to the main ; 



284 HISTORY OF 

within five days after his removal, major Thayer nobly offered 
to take charge of this dangerous post ; but was obliged to evac- 
uate it within twenty-five days. This event did not take place 
until the works were entirely beat down, every piece of can- 
non dismounted, and one of the British ships so near, that she 
threw hand-grenades into the fort, and killed the men who 
were uncovered on- the platform. 

345. The troops who had so bravely defended fort Mifllin, 
which was the name given to it, made a safe retreat to Red 
Bank. Within three days after Mud Island was evacuated, the 
garrison was also withdrawn from Red Bank on the approach 
of lord Corn wal lis. A great number of the American ship- 
ping, now entirely without protection, sailed up the river in the 
night time. Seventeen however, remained, whose retreat was 
intercepted by a frigate and some armed vessels ; on which the 
Americans ran them on shore, and burnt them. Thus the cam- 
paign of 1777, in Pennsylvania, concluded successfully on the 
part of the British. 

CHAPTER V. 

CAPTURE OF BURGOYNE. EVACUATION OF PHILADELPHIA. 

FRENCH FLEET ARRIVES. THEY TAKE STONY POINT. 

ARNOLD PROVES A TRAITOR. ANDRE TAKEN. 

.346. The expedition in the North had been projected by the 
liritish ministry, as the most effectual method that could be 
taken to subjugate the colonies at once. The New-England 
provinces were still considered by the British, as the most active 
in the continuation of the war ; and it was thought that any 
impression made upon them, would effectually contribute to the 
reduction of the rest. 

347. To carry this into execution, an army of four thousand 
chosen British troops, and three thousand Germans, were put 
under the command of general Burgoyne ; general Carleton 
was directed to use his interest with the Indians, to persuade 
them to join in this expedition ; and the province of Quebec 
was to furnish large parties to join the same. The officers who 
commanded under general Burgoyne, were general Phillips, of 
the artillery, generals Eraser, Powel, and Hamilton, with the 
(Tcrman officers, Reidesel and Specht. 

348. These soldiers were under excellent disciphne, and had 
been kept in their winter-quarters with great care, that they 
might be prepared for the expedition on which they were going. 
To insure success to the main expedition, another was formed 



AMERICA. 285 

on the Mohawk river, under colonel St. Leger, who was to be 
assisted by Sir William Johnson, who had so greatly signal- 
ized himself in the war of 1755. 

349. On the 21st of June, 1777, the British army encamped 
on the western side of lake Champlain ; where, being joined 
by a considerable body of Indians, general Burgoyne made a 
speech, in which he exhorted these new allies to lay aside their 
ferocious manner of making war ; to kill only such as opposctl 
them in arms ; to spare the prisoners, and such women and 
children as should fall into their hands. He afterwards issued 
a proclamation, in which the force of the British was dis- 
played in strong and nervous language, with a view to intimi- 
date the Americans : but it had a contrary effect. 

350. The campaign opened with the siege of Ticonderoga. 
This place was very strong, and garrisoned by six thousand 
men under general St. Clair ; nevertheless, the works were so 
extensive, that even this number was not thought sufficient to 
defend them properly. They had therefore omitted to fortify 
a rugged eminence, called Sugar-hill, which overlooked and 
effectually commanded the whole. The Americans imagined, 
that it was too difficult an ascent for the enem}- to take posses- 
sion of it ; on the approach of the first division of the army, 
the Americans abandoned and set fire to their outworks, and 
so expeditious were the British troops, that on the 5th of July, 
1777, every post was secured, which was judged necessary for 
investing it completely. 

351. A road was soon after made to the very summit of 
that eminence which the Americans supposed could not be 
ascended ; and they were now so much disheartened, that they 
instantly abandoned the fort, and made a precipitate retreat to 
Skenesborough, a place to the south of lake George ; while 
their baggage and military stores, which they could not carry 
off, were sent to the same place by water. But the British 
generals were not disposed to let them get off so easily ; but 
pursued and overtook them. Their armed vessels consisted 
only of five galleys ; two of which were taken, and three blown 
up : on which they set fire to their boats and fortifications, at 
Skenesborough. Our army lost two hundred of their boats, 
and one hundred and thirty pieces of cannon, with all their 
provisions and baggage. 

352. Our land forces, under colonel Francis, made a brave 
defence against general Fraser ; and as they were superior in 
number, they almost overpowered him, when general Reidesel, 
with a large body of Germans, came to his assistance. The 



286 HISTORY OF 

Americans were now overpowered in their turn ; their com- 
mander being killed, they fled in every direction. In this ac- 
tion, two hundred of our men were killed, as many taken 
prisoners, and above six hundred wounded : many of whom 
perished in the woods for want of assistance. 

353. During the engagement, general St. Clair was at Cas- 
tleton, about six miles from the place ; but instead of going 
forward to fort Ann, the next place of strength, he repaired to 
the woods which lie between that fortress and New-England. 
General Burgoyne detached thither colonel Hill, with the ninth 
regiment, to intercept St. Clair's retreat towards fort Ann : on 
his way he met with a- detachment more numerous than his 
own ; but after an engagement of three hours, our army was 
obliged to retire with great loss. 

354. After so many disasters, the Americans, unable to 
make any stand at fort Ann, set fire to it, and retired to fort 
Edward. In all these engagements, the loss of the killed and 
wounded, in the royal army, did not exceed two hundred men. 
General Burgoyne now suspended his operations for some time ; 
and waited at Skenesborough for the arrival of his tents and 
provisions. But he employed this interval in making roads 
through the country about fort Ann, and in clearing a passage 
for his troops to proceed against his enemy. This was attended 
with toil : but the resolution and patience of his army sur- 
mounted all obstacles. 

355. Thus, after having undergone the greatest difficulties, 
and having made every exertion that man could make, he'Jar- 
rived with his army before fort Edward about the latter end of 
July. Here general Schuyler had been for some time endea- 
voring to recruit the scattered American forces, and had been 
joined by general St. Clair with the remains of his army ; the 
garrison of fort George had also taken shelter there. But on 
the approach of the royal army they retired from fort Edward, 
and formed their head-quarters at Saratoga. 

356. Notwithstanding these discouraging circumstances, the 
Americans showed no disposition to submit ; but prepared in 
the best manner they could to make effectual resistance. For 
this purpose the militia was everywhere raised and drafted, to 
join the army at Saratoga ; and such numbers of volunteers 
were obtained, that they soon began to recover from the alarm 
into which their recent losses had thrown them. 

357. The forces now collected were put under the command 
of general Arnold, who repaired to Saratoga with a considera- 
ble train of artillery ; but receiving intelligence that colonel St, 



AMERICA. 287 

Leger was proceeding with great rapidity in his expedition on 
the Mohawk river, he removed to Stillwater, a place about half- 
way between Saratoga and the junction of the Mohawk with 
Hudson's river. 

358. The colonel, in the mean time, had advanced as far as 
fort Stanwix ; the siege of which he pressed with great vigor ; 
and understanding that a supply of provisions, guarded by eight 
or nine hundred men, was on its way to the fort, he dispatched 
Sir John Johnson with a strong detachment to intercept it, on 
the 6th of August. This he performed so effectually, that four 
hundred of the escort were slain, and two hundred taken ; the 
residue escaping with great difficulty. The garrison, it was 
expected, would be intimidated by this disaster, and by the 
threats and representations of St. Leger : on the contrary, they 
made several successful sallies under colonel Willet, the second 
officer in command ; who, with another gentleman, ventured 
out of the fort, and eluding the vigilance of the enemy, passed 
through them, in order to hasten the march of general Arnold 
to their relief. > 

359. The affairs of colonel St. Leger, notwithstanding his 
recent success, appeared in no very favorable situation : and 
they were totally ruined by the desertion of the Indians, who 
had been alarmed by the report of general Arnold's advancing 
with two thousand men to the relief of the fort ; and while the 
colonel was endeavoring to encourage them, another report was 
spread that general Burgoyne had been defeated with slaughter, 
and was now flying before the Americans. On this he was 
obliged to comply with their fears, and ordered a retreat ; 
which was not effected without the loss of the tents, some ar- 
tillery, and military stores. 

360. Difficulties and disappointments still continued to press 
upon general Burgoyne : the roads he had made with so much 
labor and pains, were destroyed by his enemy, and wetness of 
the season ; so that provisions from fort George could not be 
brought to his camp without prodigious toil. Having been in- 
formed of the siege of fort Stanwix, by colonel St. Leger, he 
determined to move forward, that he might inclose his enemy 
betwixt his own army and that of St. Leger ; and in hopes of 
securing the command of all the country between fort Stanwix 
and Albany. At all events, a junction with St. Leger was likely 
to produce the most happy consequences. The only difficulty 
5vas the want of provisions ; and this he proposed to remedy, 
by seizing the American magazines. 

361. For this purpose colonel Baum, a German officer of 



288 HISTORY OF 

great bravery, was chosen, with a body of five hundred troops. 
The magazines lay at Bennington, about twenty miles east of 
Hudson's river : in order to support colonel Baum's party, the 
whole army marched up the bank of the river, and encamped 
almost opposite to Saratoga, with the river between it and that 
place. An advanced party was posted at Batten-kill, between 
the camp and Bennington, in order to support colonel Baum. In 
their way the royal detachment seized a large supply of cattle 
and provisions, which were immediately sent to the camp ; but 
the badness of the roads retarded their march so much, that 
intelligence of their design was sent to Bennington. 

362. Colonel Baum, understanding the American force at 
that place was much superior to his own, acquainted his gen- 
eral, who immediately sent colonel Breyman, with a party, to 
his assistance : but the same causes also retarded the march of 
this detachment, which could not arrive in time. General Stark, 
who commanded at Bennington, determined to attack the two 
parties separately ; and advanced against colonel Baum, whom 
he surrounded, and attacked with the utmost violence. The 
German troops defended themselves with great valor, but were 
to a man either killed or taken. 

363. Colonel Breyman, after a desperate engagement, had 
the good fortune to effect a retreat through the darkness of the 
night ; which, otherwise, he could not have done, as his men 
had expended all their ammunition. Disappointed in his attempt 
on Bennington, general Burgoyne applied himself with indefati- 
gable diligence to procure provisions from fort George ; and 
having procured a sufficient quantity to last for a nrionth, he 
threw a bridge of boats over the river Hudson, which he crossed 
about the middle of September, encamping on the hills and 
plains of Saratoga. 

364. As soon as he approached the American army, which 
^vas encamped at Stillwater, under general Gates, he determined 
to make an attack : he placed himself at the head of the centre, 
having general Fraser and colonel Breyman on his right, and 
generals Reidesel and PhiUips, with the artillery, on the left. 
In this manner he advanced, on the 19th of September, to- 
wards us. The Americans, confident in their number, did not 
now wait to be engaged ,• but attacked his central division with 
great impetuosity, and it was not till general Phillips, with the 
artillery, came up, at eleven o'clock at night, that they could 
be induced to retire to their camp. In this gallant action the 
British lost five hundred in killed and wounded, and we only 
three hundred and nineteen. 



AMERICA. 289 

365. The resolution manifested by the Americans on this 
occasion, surprised and alarmed the British forces. But this did 
not prevent them from advancing tovv'ards the enemy, and post- 
ing themselves within cannon-shot of their lines, the next day. 
But their Indian allies now began to desert in gi-eat numbers : 
and at the same time the general was exceedingly mortified by 
having no intelligence from Sir Henry Clinton, who was to 
have assisted him, as had been stipulated. 

366. Soon afterwards he received a letter by which he was 
informed that Sir Henry intended to make a diversion on the 
North River in his favor. This afforded but little comfort : and 
he returned an answer by several trust}'- persons who took dif- 
ferent routes, stating his distressed situation ; at the same time 
informing him, that his provisions and other necessaries would 
only enable him to hold out till the 12th of October. 

367. The Americans, in the mean time, that they might effec- 
tually cut off the'retreat of the British, undertook an expedition 
to Ticonderoga, but failed in the attempt ; notwithstanding they 
surprised all the out-posts, took a great number of boats, and 
some armed vessels, and a few prisoners. 

368. The army under general Burgoyne, however, contin- 
ued'to labor under various distresses; his provisions fell short, 
so that in the beginning of October he diminished the soldiers' 
allowance. On the 7th of that month, he determined to move 
towards the enemy : for this purpose he sent a body of 1500 
to reconnoitre their left wing ; intending, if possible, to break 
through it, and effect a retreat. The detachment had not pro- 
ceeded far, when a dreadful attack was made by the Americans 
on the left wing of the British army, which was with great dif- 
ficulty preserved from being entirely broken, by a reinforce- 
ment brought up by general Fraser, who was killed in the 
attack. 

369. After the troops had, with the most desperate efforts, 
regained their camp, it was furiously assaulted by general 
Arnold ; who, notwithstanding all opposition, would have forced 
the intrenchments, had he not received a dangerous wound, 
which obliged him to retire. Thus the attack failed, but on the 
right, the German reserve was forced, colonel Breyman killed, 
and his countrymen defeated with great slaughter, and the loss 
of all their artillery and baggage, 

370. This was the greatest loss the British had sustained 
since the battle of Bunker's-Hill : the list of the killed and 
wounded amounted to near 1200, exclusive of the Germans: 
but the greatest misfortune was, that the Americans had now 

Z 



290 HISTORY OF 

an opening on the right and rear of the British forces, so that 
the army was threatened with entire destruction. This obHged 
general Burgoyne once more to change his position, that the 
enemy might also be obHged to alter theirs. It was accom- 
plished on the night of the 7th without any loss, and all the 
next day he continued to offer the enemy battle. 

371. His enemy next advanced on the right, that they might 
inclose him entirely, which obliged general Burgoyne to direct 
a retreat to Saratoga. But the Americans had stationed a strong 
force at the ford on Hudson river, so that the only possibility 
of retreat was by securing a passage to lake George ; and to 
effect this, workmen were dispatched, with a strong guard, to 
repair the roads and bridges that led to fort Edward. As soon 
as they were gone, the Americans prepared for an attack ; 
which rendered it necessary to recall his guard, and the work- 
men being left exposed, could not proceed. 

372. The boats which conveyed provisions down the Hudson 
river, were exposed to the continual fire of the American marks- 
men, who destroyed many ; so that it became necessary to con- 
vey them over-land. General Burgoyne, finding it impossible 
to stay here, with any safety to his army, resolved to attempt 
a march to fort Edward in the night, and force the passages 
at the fords either above or below. That he might effect this 
more easily, it was resolved that the soldiers should carry their 
provisions on their backs, and leave behind them their baggage 
and every other encumbrance. 

373. Intelligence was soon received that the Americans had 
raised strong intrenchments opposite the fords, well provided 
with cannon, and that they had also taken possession of the 
rising ground between Fort George and Fort Edward : he judged 
it impossible to succeed in his attempt. All this time the 
American army was increasing in numbers ; and reinforce- 
ments flocked in from all quarters, elated with the certain pros- 
pect of capturing the whole British army. Small parties ex- 
tended all along the opposite bank of Hudson river, and some 
had passed it, that they might the more exactly observe every 
movement of the enemy. The forces under general Gates were 
computed at sixteen thousand men, while the army under gen- 
eral Burgoyne amounted to six thousand. 

374. Every part of the British camp was reached by the 
rifle and grape shot of the Americans. In this state of extreme 
distress and danger, the army continued with the greatest con- 
stancy and perseverance, till the evening of the 13th of Octo- 
ber, when an inventory of provisions being taken, it was found 



AMERICA. 291 

that no more remained than was sufficient to last three days ; 
a council of war being called, it was unanimously determined 
that there was no other alternative but to treat with the Ame- 
ricans. 

375. In consequence of this, a negotiation was opened the 
next day, which terminated in the capitulation of the whole 
British army ; the principal article of which was, " that the troops 
were to have a free passage to Britain, on condition of not serv- 
ing against America during the war." On this occasion general 
Gates generously ordered his army to keep within their camp, 
while the British soldiers went to a place appointed to lay down 
their arms, that the latter might not have the additional morti- 
fication of being made spectacles on so melancholy an event. 

376. The number of those who surrendered at Saratoga, 
amounted to 5790. According to the American account, the 
list of sick and wounded left in the camp when the army 
retreated to Saratoga, amounted to 528, and the number of those 
by other accounts, since the taking of Ticonderoga, to near 
3000. Thirty-five brass field-pieces, seven thousand stand of 
arms, clothing for an equal number of soldiers, with tents, mili- 
tary chests, &c. constituted the booty on the occasion. This 
memorable event took place on the 17th of October, and proved 
of the utmost importance to the cause of independence ; for it 
gave confidence to our people, afforded a supply of the muni- 
tions of war, and produced a powerful effect upon the disposi- 
tions of foreign governments. 

377. Sir Henry Clinton, in the mean time, instead of taking 
effectual measures for the immediate relief of general Burgoyne, 
of whose situation he had been informed, amused himself with 
destroying the two forts called Montgomery and Clinton, with 
fort Constitution, and another place called Continental Village, 
where there were barracks for two thousand men ; he also car- 
ried away seventy large cannon, a number of small ones, and 
a quantity of stores and ammunition. Another attack was 
made by Sir James Wallace with some frigates, and a body of 
land forces, under general Vaughan, upon Esopus, a small 
flourishing town on the river. But these successes only tended 
to irritate the Americans, and injure the royal cause. 

378. On the sixteenth of March, 1778, lord North informed 
the house of commons, that a paper had been laid before the 
king, by the French ambassador, intimating the conclusion of 
an alliance between the court of France, and the United States 
of America. It was on the sixth of February, 1778, that the 
articles were formally signed, to the great satisfaction of France ; 



292 HISTORY OF 

by which it was hoped that the pride ot^ her formidable rival 
would be humbled, and her power lessened. 

379. For this purpose and her own aggrandizement, did 
France enter into an alliance with what England called her re- 
volted subjects ; but not till after the capture of Burgoyne's army, 
when the Americans had made it manifest, that they were able 
to defend themselves, without the interference of any foreign 
power. To that interference is attributable, in a great measure, 
the revolution which a few years afterwards occurred in France, 
and which in its progress involved the European nations in a 
long course of warfare. The treaty stipulated as follows: 

Art. 1. If Great Britain should, in consequence of this 
treaty, proceed to hostilities against France, the two nations 
should mutually assist one another. 

Art. 2. The main end of the treaty was, in an eiTectua] 
manner to maintain the independency of America. 

Art. 3. Should those places in North America, still subject 
to Great Britain, he reduced by the colonies, they should be 
confederated with them, or subjected to their jurisdiction. 

Art. 4. Should any of the West India islands be reduced 
by France, they should be deemed its property. 

Art. 5. No formal treaty with Great Britain should be con- 
cluded, either by France or Americ:a, without the consent of 
each other ; and it was mutually engaged, that they should not 
lay down their arms till the independency of the Stateshad been 
formally acknowledged. 

Art. 6. The contracting parties mutually agreed to invite 
those powers who had received injuries from Great Britain, to 
join the common cause. 

Art. 7. The United States guarantied to France all the pos- 
sessions in the West Indies, which she should conquer ; and 
France guarantied the absolute independence of the United 
States, and their supreme authority over every country they 
possessed, or might acquire during the war. 

3S0. The house of commons looked upon this treaty as a 
declaration of war ; and the members were unanimous in an 
address to his majesty, promising to stand by him to the utmost, 
in the present emergency ; but it was warmly contended by 
the members of the opposition, that the present ministry should 
be removed, on account of their numierous blunders and mis- 
carriages in every instance. Many were of opinion, that the 
only way to extricate the nation from its trouble, was to ac- 
knowfedge the independence of America, that so they might 
do with a good grace, what they v/ould inevitably have to do 



AxMERICA. 293 

at last. Instigated with zeal for the national honor, the minis- 
terial party was determined to resent the arrogance of France, 
and prosecute the war in America with increased vigor, should 
the terms offered to them be rejected. 

381. The agents of the Americans, in the mean time, v/ere 
assiduously employed at the court of Spain, Vienna, Prussia, 
and Tuscany, in order, if possible, to conclude alliances with 
them ,- or, at least, to procure an acknowledgment of their in- 
dependency. As it had been reported that Great Britain had 
applied for assistance to Russia, the American commissioners 
were enjoined to use their utmost endeavors with the German 
princes, to prevent such auxiliaries from marching through their 
territories ; and also to prevail with them to recall the German 
troops already sent to America. 

382. To the Spanish court they proposed, that in case they 
should think proper to espouse their cause, the American states 
should assist in reducing Pensacola under the dominion of 
Spain ; provided the citizens of the United States were allowed 
the free navigation of the river Mississippi, and the use of the 
harbor of Pensacola : and they further offered, that if agreea- 
ble to Spain, they would declare war against Portugal, should 
that power expel the American ships from their ports. 

383. The troops under general Burgoyne, in the mean time, 
were preparing to embark, agreeably to the convention at Sara- 
toga, but Congress having received information that articles of 
ammunition and accoutrements had not been surrendered as 
stipulated ; and alleging also some other cause, as that they 
apprehended sinister designs were harbored by Great Britain, 
to convey these troops to join the army at Philadelphia or New- 
York, positively refused to let them embark without an explicit 
ratification of the convention, properly notified by the British 
court. 

384. The season for action approaching, Congress was in- 
defatigable in making preparations for a new campaign ; which, 
it was confidently affirmed, would be the last. General Wash- 
ington, at the same time, to remove all necessary encumbrances 
from the army, lightened the baggage as much as possible, by 
substituting sacks and portmanteaus, in place of chests and 
boxes ; and using pack-horses instead of wagons. The British 
army, on the other hand, expecting to be reinforced by twenty 
thousand men, thought of nothing but concluding the war ac- 
cording to their wishes, before the end of another campaign. 

385. Lord North's conciliatory bill, therefore, was received 
by them with the utmost concern and indignation : they con- 

Z2 



294 HISTORY OF 

sidered it as a national disgrace ; and some even tore the cock- 
ades from their hats, and trampled them under their feet. By 
the colonists it was received with indifference. The British 
commissioners endeavored to make it as public as possible ; 
and Congress ordered it to be printed in all the newspapers. 
Governor Tryon inclosed several copies of the bill in a letter 
to general Washington, entreating him that he would allow 
them to be circulated ; to which the general returned for an- 
swer a newspaper, in which the bill was printed, with the reso- 
lutions of Congress upon it, which v/ere, that whosoever pre- 
sumed to make a separate agreement with Great Britain, should 
be deemed a public enemy ; that the United States could not, 
with any propriety, keep correspondence with the commission- 
ers, till their independence was acknowledged, and the British 
fleets and armies removed from America. 

386. The colonies were also warned not to suffer themselves 
to be deceived into security by any offers that might be made ; 
but to use their utmost endeavors to send their quotas into the 
field. Some individuals, who conversed with the commission- 
ers on the subject of the conciliatory bill, intimated to them 
that the day of reconciliation was past ; that the haughtiness 
of Britain had extinguished all filial regard in the breasts of 
the Americans. 

387. About this time, Silas Deane arrived from France with 
two copies of the treaty of commerce and alliance, to be signed 
by congress. Advices of the most flattering nature were re- 
ceived from various parts, representing the friendly disposition 
of the European pov»'ers ; all of whom, it was said, wished to 
see the independence of America settled upon the most perma- 
nent basis. 

388. Considering, therefore, the situation of the colonies at 
this time, it was no wonder that the commissioners did not suc- 
ceed. Their proposals were utterly rejected, and themselves 
threatened to be treated as spies. But before any answer could 
be obtained from Congress, Sir Henry Clinton had taken the 
resolution of evacuating Philadelphia. On the 18th of June, 
after having made the necessary preparations, the army marched 
out of the city, and crossed the Delaware before noon, with all 
its baggage, and other encumbrances. General Washington, 
apprized of this design, had dispatched expresses into New- 
Jersey, with- orders to collect all the force that could be assem- 
bled, in order to obstruct the march of the enemy. After vari- 
ous movements on both sides, Sir Henry Clinton, with the royal 
army, arrived at a place called Freehold, on the 27th of June, 



AMERICA. 295 

where, expecting the enemy would attsck him, he chose a strong 
situation. 

389. General Washington, as was expected, meditated an 
attack as soon as the army began to march. The night was 
spent in making the necessary preparations, and general Lee 
was ordered with his division to be ready at day-break. Sir 
Henry Clinton, justly apprehending that the chief object of his 
enemy was the baggage, committed it to the care of general 
Knyphauzen, whom he ordered to set out early in the morning, 
while he followed with the rest of the army. The attack was 
made, but the British general had taken such care to arrange 
his troops, and so effectually supported his forces when engaged 
with the Americans, that they not only made no impression, 
but were, with difficulty, preserved from a total defeat, by 
general Washington, who advanced with the whole of the 
American army. 

390. The British troops retreated in the night, with the loss 
of three hundred men, of whom many died through fatigue, 
the weather being extremely warm, not a wound being seen 
upon them. In this action, general Lee was charged by gene- 
ral Washington with disobedience and misconduct, in retreat- 
ing before the British army. He was tried by a court-martial, 
and sentenced to suspension from his command for one year. 

391. When the British army had arrived at Sandy-Hook, a 
bridge of boats was, by lord Howe's directions, thrown from 
thence over the channel which separated the island from the 
main land, and the tropps were conveyed on board the fieet ; 
after which they sailed to New-York. General Washington 
then moved towards the North River ; where a great fore*:; 
had been collected to join him, and where it was now expected 
that operations of great magnitude would take place. 

392. France, in the mean time, w^as preparing to assist the 
Americans. On the 14th of April, 1778, count D'Estaing had 
sailed from Toulon, with a strong squadron of ships of the hne, 
and frigates ; he arrived on the coast of Virginia, in the be- 
ginning of July, while the British fleet was employed in con- 
veying the forces from Sandy-Hook to New-York. The French 
fleet consisted of one ship of 120 guns, one of eighty, six of 
74, and four of 64, besides several large frigates ; and exclu- 
sive of its complement of sailors, it had 6000 marines and sol- 
diers on board. To oppose this, the British had only six ships 
of 64 guns, three of 50, and two of 40, with some frigates and 
sloops. 

393. Notwithstanding this inferiority, the British admiral 



296 HISTORY OF 

had posted himself so advantageously, and displayed such su- 
perior skill, that D'Estaing did not think it advisable to attack 
him : he was also informed by the pilots, that his large vessels 
could not go over the bar into the Hook. In the mean time, 
general Washington pressed him to sail for Newport. He, 
Therefore, remained at anchor four miles off Sandy-Hook, till 
the 22d of July, without effecting any thing more than the cap- 
ture of some vessels ; which, through ignorance of his arrival, 
fell into his hands. 

394. The next attempt of the French admiral, in conjunc- 
tion with the Americans, was against Rhode Island. It was 
proposed that D'Estaing, with the 6000 troops he had with 
him, should make a descent on the southern part of the island, 
while the Americans took possession of the north ; at the same 
time, the French squadron was to enter the harbor of New- 
port, and take and destroy all the British shipping there. On 
the 8th of August, the French admiral entered the harbor, as 
was proposed, but was unable to do any material damage. 
Lord Howe, however, instantly set sail for Rhode Island, and 
D'Estaing, confiding in his superiority, immediately came out 
of the harbor to attack him. A violent storm parted the two 
fleets, and did so much damage, that they were rendered totally 
unfit for action. The French suffered most, and several of 
their ships being afterwards attacked by the English, narrowly 
escaped being taken. On the 20th of August, the French ad- 
miral returned to Newport in a shattered condition ; but not 
thinking himself safe, sailed two days after for Boston. 

395. In the mean time, general SuUivan had landed on the 
northern part of the island, with 10,000 men. On the ITtli 
of August, they began their operations by erecting batteries, 
and making their approaches to the British lines. But general 
Pigot had so secured himself on the land-side, that the Am.eri- 
cans could not attack him with any probability of success, with- 
out the assistance of a marine force. D'Estaing's conduct in 
abandoning them when he was master of the harbor, gave great 
disgust to the Americans, and Sullivan began to prepare for a 
retreat. On perceiving his intentions, the garrison sallied out 
upon him with such vigor, that it was with great difficulty he 
effected it. He had not been long gone, when Sir Henry Clin- 
ton arrived with a reinforcement of 4000 men. 

398. The Americans, thus having left the island, the British 
undertook an expedition to Buzzard's Bay, on the coast of 
New-England, and in the neighborhood of Rhode Island ; 
where they destroyed a number of privateers and merchant- 



AMERICA. 297 

men, magazines, and store-houses, &c. They proceeded next 
to Martha's Vineyard, from whence they carried off 2000 
sheep and 300 black cattle. Another expedition under the com- 
mand of lord Cornwallis and general Knyphauzen, went up the 
North River ; the principal object of which was the destruction 
of a regiment of cavalry called Washington's light-horse. 

397. A third expedition was directed to Little Egg Harbor 
in New-Jersey, a place noted for privateers ; it was conducted 
by captains Ferguson and Collins, who completely destroyed 
their enemy's vessels. At the same time, a body of American 
troops, called Pulaski's legion, were surprised, and a number 
cut off. 

398. The conquest of West Florida in the beginning of the 
year 1779, was projected by some Americans, under the com- 
mand of captain Willing, who had made a successful excursion 
into the country. This roused the attention of the British to 
the southern colonies, and an expedition against them was 
resolved on. Georgia was the place of of destination, and the 
more effectually to insure success, colonel Campbell, v.'ith a suf- 
ficient force, under convoy of some ships of war, commmanded 
by commodore Parker, embarked at New-York ; while general 
Prevost, who commanded in East Florida, was directed to set 
out with all the force he could spare. 

399. The armament arrived off the coast of Georgia in the 
month of December, 1778, and though the Americans were 
strongly posted, in an advantageous situation on the shore, the 
British troops made good their landing, and advanced towards 
Savannah, the capital of the province. The same day they 
defeated the American forces which opposed them, and entered 
the town of Savannah on the 29th of December, with such 
celerity that we had not time to burn it, as was intended. In a 
short time the whole province was obliged to submit to general 
Prevost in his march southward. 

400. To secure the tranquillity of the province was now the 
main object of the British. Rewards were offered for appre- 
hending committee and assembly men, and such as had taken 
a decided part against the British government. On the arrival 
of general Prevost, the command of the troops devolved on him 
as the senior officer ; and the conquest of Carolina was next 
projected. In this attempt they were encouraged by many of 
the tory inhabitants who had joined them ; and there was not 
in the province any considerable body of the Americans capa- 
ble of opposing regular and well-disciplined troops. 

401. On the first news of general Prevost's approach, the 



298 HISTORY OF 

royalists assembled, in a body, imagining themselves able to 
maintain their station until their allies should arrive ; but they 
were disappointed. The Americans attacked and defeated them 
with the loss of half their number. The remainder retreated 
into Georgia, and with difficulty effected a junction with the 
British forces. General Lincoln, in the mean time, encamped 
within twenty miles of the town of Savannah, and another 
strong party of the Americans posted themselves at Briar Creek, 
which circumscribed the British influence within very narrow 
bounds. 

402. General Prevost, therefore, determined to dislodge his 
enemy at Briar Creek ; the Americans, trusting to their strong 
situation, were remiss in their guard, by which neglect they 
were unexpectedly surprised on the 3d of March, 1779, and 
totally routed, with the loss of 300 killed and taken prisoners, 
besides a great number drowned in the river : all the artillery, 
stores, baggage, and almost all the arms of this party, were 
taken, so that they were incapable of making any further 
opposition to the British in that quarter. 

403. Thus the province of Georgia was once more under 
the control of the British, and a communication was opened 
vvith Carolina. The victory at Briar Creek paved the way for 
the royalists to join the British army, who considerably in- 
creased its force. General Prevost was then enabled to extend 
his posts further up the river and to guard all the principal 
passes ; so that general Lincoln was reduced to a state of inac- 
tion ; and moved oif to Augusta, that he might protect the 
assembly, which sat at that place; the capital being now in 
possession of the British. 

404. The British general now began to put in execution the 
great scheme which had been meditated against Carolina. Not- 
withstanding many difficulties lay in his way, the constancy 
and perseverance of the British forces prevailed. General 
Moultrie, who was stationed with a body of troops to oppose 
their passage, was obliged to give way, and retreat towards 
Charleston ; and the British army, after encountering many 
ditliculties through a marshy country, at length arrived in a 
fine open champaign, through which they passed with great 
rapidity towards the capital ; while general Lincoln was march- 
ing with equal speed to its relief. 

405. The danger to which Charleston was exposed, animated 
the American general. A chosen body of American infantry 
was mounted on horses, for the greater expedition, and were 
dispatched before him; while himself followed with all the 



AMERICA. 299 

forces he could collect. General Moultrie, with the troops he 
had brought from Savannah, and some others he had collected 
since his retreat from thence, had taken possession of all the 
avenues leading to Charleston, and prepared for a vigorous 
defence. But all opposition was ineffectual : the British army 
approached within cannon-shot of Charleston, on the 12th of 
May, 1779. 

406. The town was now summoned to surrender, and the 
inhabitants would gladly have agreed to observe a neutrality 
during the rest of the war, and would also have engaged for 
the province but these terms not being accepted, they prepared 
for a vigorous defence. It was not in the power of the British 
commander, to succeed at this time in an attack ; his artillery 
was not of sufficient weight, he had no ships to support him, 
and he knew that general Lincoln was advancing with a supe- 
rior force ; and that he would be inclosed between his forces 
and those in the town : so that certain destruction awaited him 
upon the failure of his first attempt upon the town. 

407. He therefore prudently resolved to withdraw his forces ; 
and took possession of two islands, called St. James's and St. 
John's, lying to the southward ; where, in a short time, his 
force was augmented by the arrival of two frigates ; with these 
he determined to make himself master of Port Royal, another 
island possessed of a good harbor, and many other natural ad- 
vantages, commanding all the sea-coast from Charleston to 
Savannah river. This he could not accomplish without oppo- 
sition from the American general, who attempted to dislodge 
him from his post on St. John's island ; but after an obstinate 
and unsuccessful attempt, was obliged to retire with considera- 
ble loss. 

408. The principal occasion of the success of the British, 
was an armed flotilla, which galled the right flank of the Ame- 
ricans so effectually, that they could only direct their efforts 
against the strongest part of the lines, which w^as impregnable 
to their attacks. This disappointment was followed by the loss 
of Port Royal, which general Prevost took possession of, and 
stationed his troops in proper places, waiting the arrival of such 
reinforcements as were expected for the intended attack upon 
Charleston. 

409. In the mean time, count D'Estaing had put into Boston 
harbor to refit, and used his utmost efforts to gain the good- 
will of the inhabitants. He also published a proclamation to 
be dispersed through Canada, inviting the people to return to 
their original friendship with France ; declaring that all who 



300 HISTORY OF 

renounced their allegiance to the king of Great Britain, should 
be protected by the king of France. 

410. The Canadians did not think it prudent to relinquish their 
peace, and depend upon the unsubstantial promises of a cour- 
tier, whose means were inadequate to his professions, and 
whose chief aim was to divide and ruin the British interest in 
America. The French admiral, as soon as his fleet was refit- 
ted, and while admiral Byron's had been shattered by a storm, 
took that opportunity of sailing to the West Indies. 

411. During his operations there, the Americans represented 
his conduct as totally unserviceable to them ; upon which he 
received orders from Europe to assist the colonies with all pos- 
sible speed. Agreeably to these insructions, he directed his 
course towards Georgia, with the avowed design of recovering 
that province from the British, and to put it, as well as South 
Carolina, in such a state of defence, as would secure them from 
any future attack. This, upon a superficial view, appeared 
easy to be effected, as he knew there was but a small force to 
oppose him. 

412. The Brhish fleet and army at New-York ^vere next to 
be destroyed, and their total expulsion from America was anti- 
cipated as an event at no great distance. Full of these towering 
hopes, the French admiral arrived off the coast of Georgia, 
v>'ith a fleet of twenty sail of the line and ten frigates. 

413. His arrival was so unexpected, that several vessels, 
laden with provisions, fell into his hands. The Experiment, a 
.50 gun ship, commanded by Sir James Wallace, was taken 
after a stout resistance. On the continent, the British troops 
were divided. General Prevost, with an inconsiderable part, 
was at Savannah ; but the main force was under colonel Mait- 
land, at Port Royal. 

414. On appearance of the French fleet, an express was sent 
by Prevost to colonel Maitland, but it was intercepted by the 
Americans ; so that before he could set out to join the com- 
mander-in-cirief, the Americans had secured the principal passes 
by land, while the French effectually blockaded the passage by 
sea. But taking advantage of creeks and inlets, and marching 
over-land, he arrived in time to relieve Savannah. 

415. D'Estaing had allowed general Prevost twenty-four 
hours to deliberate whether he would capitulate or not ; this 
interval he made use of in making the best preparations in his 
power, and during this time colonel Maitland arrived. D'Es- 
taing's summons was now rejected. The garrison consisted of 



AMERICA. 301 

3000 men of approved valor and experience. The united force 
of the French and Americans was about ten thousand. 

416. The event was answerable to the expectation of the 
British general: having the advantage of a strong fortification, 
and excellent engineers, the fire of the allies made little im- 
pression ; so that D'Estaing resolved to bombard the town, and 
a battery of nine mortars was erected for that purpose. 

417. The allied commanders, from motives of policy, re- 
fused general Provost's request to permit the women and chil- 
dren to retire to a place of safety, and they resolved to make 
a general assault. This was attempted on the 9th of October, 
but the assailants were everywhere repulsed with great slaugh- 
ter; 1200 were killed and wounded; among the first was count 
Pulaski, one of the conspirators against a former king of Po- 
land, and among the latter was D'Estaing himself. 

418. This defeat overthrew the sanguine hopes of the French 
and Americans; after waiting eight days longer, the allied 
forces retreated ; the French to their shipping, and the Ameri- 
cans to Carolina. About this time. Sir George Collier was sent 
with a fleet, having general Matthews and a body of land forces 
on b6ard, to Virginia. Their first attempt was against the town 
of Portsmouth, where the British troops carried off twenty ves- 
sels with an immense quantity of provisions, designed for gene- 
ral Washington's army, together with a variety of naval and 
military stores : at the same time and place were burnt 120 
vessels, after which the British returned to New-York elated 
with their victory. 

419. The successful issue of this expedition, encouraged 
them to undertake another. The Americans had erected two 
strong forts on Hudson river, the one at Verplank's Neck on 
the east, and the other at Stony Point on the west side ; these 
were likely to be of the utmost service to us, as they com- 
manded the principal pass called King's ferry, between the 
northern and southern colonies. 

420. The force employed upon this occasion, was divided 
into two bodies, one against Verplank's Neck, under the com- 
mand of general Vaughan, the latter by general Patterson ; 
while the shipping was under the direction of Sir George Col- 
lier. General Vaughan met with no resistance; his enemy 
abandoning their works at his approach. But at Stony Point, 
a vigorous defence was made. The garrison, notwithstanding, 
was obliged to capitulate upon honorable conditions. General 
CHnton, desirous to secure the possession of it, removed from 

2 A 



302 HISTORY OF 

his former situation, and encamped in such a manner, that 
general Washington could not give any assistance. 

421. The Americans revenged themselves of the British, by 
distressing the trade of New- York, with their numerous priva- 
teers ; which were chiefly built and harbored in Connecticut. 
The British, in return, sent 2000 troops, under the command 
of governor Tryon and general Garth, under a convoy of armed 
vessels, to make a descent at New-Haven, where they destroyed 
the batteries that had been erected to oppose them, besides a 
number of shipping and naval stores ; but as the inhabitants 
did not fire upon the troops from the houses, the buildings of 
the town were spared. 

422. From New-Haven they proceeded to Fairfield, which they 
reduced to ashes. Nor walk was next attacked, and afterwards 
Greenfield, a small seaport in the neighborhood, both of which 
were burned. These successes were so alarming, as well as 
detrimental to the Americans, that general Washington was 
determined to drive the enemy from Stony Point. For this 
purpose general Wayne was sent with a detachment of chosen 
men, with directions to take it by surprise. After the capture 
of it by the British, the fortifications had been completed and 
made very strong ; notwithstanding, the Americans passed 
through a heavy fire of musketry and grape-shot, and in spite 
of all opposition, obliged the surviving part of the garrison, 
consisting of 500 men, to surrender themselves prisoners of 
war. 

423. The Americans did not attempt to retain the possession 
of Stony Point ; but their success in surprising it, encouraged 
them to make a similar attack on Paulus Hook, a post strongly 
fortified, opposite to New-York. After having completely sur- 
prised the post, major Lee found it impossible to retain it, and 
made an orderly retreat with about 161 prisoners, among whom 
were seven officers. 

424. Another expedition was next undertaken by the Ameri- 
cans : this was against a post on the river Penobscot, on the 
borders of Nova Scotia, of v^hich the British had taken pos- 
session, and where they had begun to erect a fort which threat- 
ened to be very inconvenient to the Americans. The armament 
destined against it was so expeditiously fitted out, that colonel 
Maclane, the commanding officer at Penobscot, was obliged to 
content himself with putting the works, already constructed, in 
a§ good a posture of defence as possible. The Americans could 
not eflJect a landing without much difficulty, and bringing the 
guns of the largest vessels to bear upon the shore. 



AMERICA. 303 

425. As soon as this was done, they erected several batte- 
ries, and kept up a brisk fire for the space of a fortnight ; after 
which they proposed to make a general assault ; but before this 
could be effected, Sir George Collier, with a British fleet, was 
seen sailing up the river to attack them. On this they embarked 
their artillery and stores, sailing up the river as far as possible, 
to avoid being taken. But they were so closely pursued, that 
not a single vessel escaped ; thus the American fleet, consist- 
ing of 43 small vessels, was destroyed. 

426. The soldiers and sailors were obliged to wander through 
immense deserts, where they suffered much for want of pro- 
visions ; and to add to their calamities, a quarrel between the 
seamen and soldiers broke out, concerning the cause of their 
misfortunes ; a violent affray ensued, in which a great number 
were killed. Thus the arms of France and America being every- 
where unsuccessful, the independence of the latter seemed yet 
to be in danger, notwithstanding the assistance of so powerful 
an ally. 

427. The hopes of the Americans were again revived by the 
accession of Spain to the confederacy against Great Britain. 
The eager desire of Spain to humble Great Britain, appeared 
to have deprived her of that cautious reserve which seems in- 
terwoven with the constitution of the Spanish government. 
They certainly did not consider that by establishing an inde- 
pendent empire so near them, their rich dependencies in South 
America might imbibe the spirit of liberty, and be animated, 
by so successful an example, to sever the political tie which 
united them to Spain. 

428. The first act of hostility against Great Britain by the 
Spaniards, was an invasion of West Florida, in September, 1779. 
They easily made themselves masters of the whole, as there 
was little or no opposition ; the country being in no state of de- 
fence. They next proceeded to the bay of Honduras, where 
the British logwood-cutters were settled. These, finding them- 
selves too weak to resist, applied to the governor of Jamaica 
for assistance, who sent them a supply of men, ammunition, 
and military stores, under captain Dalrymple. 

429. Before the arrival of this detachment, the principal 
settlement, called St. George's Key, had been taken by the 
Spaniards, and retaken by the British. Captain Dalrymple fell 
in with a squadron from admiral Parker's fleet, in search of 
some register-ships richly laden; but they retreated into the 
harbor of Omoa, under the protection of a fort that was too 
strong to be attacked on the water-side with safety. 



304 HISTORY OF 

430. A project was then formed, in conjunction with the peo- 
ple of Honduras, to reduce this fort ; but the artillery they had 
with them was too light to make any impression. It was then 
determined to try the success of an escalade ; and this was 
executed with so much spirit, that the Spaniards stood aston- 
ished, and made no resistance. The spoil was very great, being 
valued at three millions of dollars. 

431. The Spaniards chiefly lamented the loss of two hundred 
and fifty quintals of quicksilver, a commodity indispensably 
necessary in the working of their gold and silver mines ; so that 
they offered to ransom it at any price ; but this was refused : 
as also the ransom of the fort, notwithstanding the governor 
offered 300,000 dollars for it. A small garrison was left in it 
by the British : but it was soon after attacked by a formidable 
force, and they were obliged to evacuate it. Before they retired, 
they destroyed every thing that could be of use to the enemy ; 
the guns were spiked, and they even locked the gates, and car- 
ried off" the keys in sight of the besiegers ; after which the 
garrison embarked without the loss of a man. 

432. The war in America was now transferred to the south- 
ern colonies where the operations at last became decisive. 
Towards the end of the year 1779, Sir Henry Clinton sailed 
from New- York with a considerable body of troops, intended 
for an attack on Charleston, South Carolina, in a fleet of 
ships of war and transports, under the command of vice-admiral 
Arbuthnot. After a tedious voyage, in which they suffered 
some losses, they arrived at Savannah, where they endeavored 
to repair the damages they had sustained during the voyage^ 
From thence they proceeded to North Edisto, on the 10th of 
February, 1780. The passage thither was speedy and pros- 
perous. The transports all entered the harbor next day ; and 
the army took possession of St. John's Island, about thirty 
miles from Charleston, without any opposition. 

433. Preparations were immediately made for passing the 
squadron over Charleston bar ; but no opportunity offered of 
going into the harbor, until the 20th of March ; when it was 
effected without any accident, though the American galleys con- 
tinually attempted to prevent the English boats from sounding 
the channel. 

434. The British troops had previously removed from St. 
John's to St. James' island ; and on the 29th of the same 
month, they effected their landing on Charleston neck. They 
broke ground on the first of April, and by the eighth, the guns 
were mounted in battery. 



AMERICA. 305 

435. Admiral Arbuthnot, in passing Sullivan's island, sus- 
tained a severe fire from the American batteries erected there, 
and suffered some damage in his rigging : twenty-seven seamen 
were killed and wounded; the Acteus transport, having on 
board some naval stores, grounded within gun-shot of the island, 
and was so much damaged that she was abandoned and burnt. 
Sir Henry Clinton and the admiral, on the 10th of April, sum- 
moned the town to surrender : but general Lincoln, who com- 
manded in Charleston, answered with a declaration of his in- 
tention to defend the place; the batteries were then opened 
against the town, and, after a short time, the fire from the 
American advanced works abated. 

436. The troops in the town were not suflicient in point of 
numbers, for defending works of such extent as those of Charles- 
ton ; many of them had not been much accustomed to military 
service ; were badly provided with clothes, and other necessa- 
ries : supplies and reinforcements, which v/ere anxiously ex- 
pected by general Lincoln from Virginia, and other places, 
were intercepted by earl Cornwallis and lieutenant-colonel 
Tarleton. They totally defeated a body of cavrdry and militia, 
as they were proceeding to the relief of the town ; they likewise 
secured certain posts which commanded the adjacent country, 
by which means they often prevented supplies of provisions 
from entering the town. 

437. Tarleton, however, was defeated by colonel Washing- 
ton, at the head of a regular troop of horse ; which circum- 
stances afforded the ladies in Charleston, who v/ere warmly 
attached to the cause of their country, an opportunity of rally- 
ing the British officers, and Tarleton in particular, who, affecting 
to make his court to one of them, by commending the bravery 
of colonel Washington, added, he should like to see him ; she 
wittily replied, " he might have had that gratification, if he had 
looked behind him when he fled from the battle of Cowpens." 

438. On the 8th of May, general Cfinton again summoned 
the town to surrender upon the same terms as he had offered 
before. General Lincoln then proposed articles of capitulation, 
but they were not agreed to by general Clinton. At length the 
town being closely invested, and great preparations made for 
storming it, general Lincoln, at the earnest entreaty of the 
inhabitants, surrendered it on such terms as had been proposed 
by the British general. This was on the 12th of May, the 
town having held out one month and two days, since it had first 
been summoned to surrender. 

439. A large quantitv of warlike stores were found in 

2 A2 



306 HISTORY OF 

Charleston ; and, according to Sir Henry Clinton, the number 
of prisoners amounted to 5615, but from the account trans- 
mitted to congress by general Lincoln, amounted only to 2487 ; 
the great diiference in the two statements must arise from the 
supposition that general Clinton included the militia and inhab- 
itants of the town. Some of our frigates were also taken and 
destroyed, in the harbor. 

440. After the surrender of the town, general Clinton issued 
two proclamations, and a handbill was circulated among the 
inhabitants of South Carolina ; the design of which was to 
induce them to return to their allegiance, and be ready to join 
the king's troops. It imported that the assistance of every 
man was wanted to establish peace and good order ; that as 
the commander-in-chief wished not to draw the king's friends 
into danger, while success remained doubtful, so now, as all 
doubts upon this head were removed, he trusted that every one 
would heartily join to effect such necessary measures as might 
be pointed out for that purpose. 

441. The proclamations and publications of general Clinton 
produced some effect in South Carolina. A number of the inhab- 
itants of Charleston, who were considered as prisoners on pa- 
role, signed an address to general Clinton and admiral Arbuthnot, 
amounting to 210 persons, soliciting to be readmitted to the char- 
acter and condition of British subjects, declaring their disap- 
probation of the doctrine of American independence, and ex- 
pressing their regret, that after the repeal of those statutes which 
gave rise to the troubles in America, the overtures made by his 
majesty's commissioners had not been regarded by Congress. 

442. Before we proceed any further with the transactions in 
South Carolina, it will be necessary to take a view of the war 
in another part of the continent. On the tenth of July, 1780, 
M. Ternay, with a fleet consisting of seven ships of the line, 
besides frigates and transports, with a large body of French 
troops commanded by count Rochambeau, arrived at Rhode 
Island ; and the following day, 6000 men were landed there. 

443. A committee of the general assembly of Rhode-Island 
was appointed to congratulate the French general upon his 
arrival ; whereupon he returned an answer in which he informed 
them that the king, his master, had sent him to the assistance 
of his good and faithful allies, the United States of America. 
At present, he said, he only brought over the vanguard of a 
much greater force destined for their aid ; and the king had 
ordered him to assure them that his whole power should be 
exerted for their support. He added that the French troops 



AMERICA. 307 

were under the strictest discipline, and were to act under the 
orders of general Washington, and ihat they would live with the 
Americans as brethren. 

444. A scheme was soon after formed, of making a com- 
bined attack with English ships and troops under the command 
of Sir Henry Clinton and admiral Arbuthnot, against the French 
fleet and troops at Rhode-Island. Accordingly, a considerable 
part of the troops were embarked at New- York for that purpose. 
As soon as general Washington received information of their 
design, by a rapid movement, he passed the North river, and 
with an army of 12,000 men proceeded to King's Bridge, in 
order /.o attack New- York : but learning that the British gene- 
ral hdd changed his intentions, and disembarked his troops on 
"ho 21st of the month, he recrossed the river, and returned to 
his former station. 

J lo. An unsuccessful attempt was also made about this time 
in New-Jersey, by Knyphauzen, with seven thousand British 
troops under his command, to surprise the advanced posts of 
general Washington's army. They proceeded with great ex- 
pedition towards Springfield, meeting little opposition till they 
came to the bridge, which was gallantly defended by one hun- 
dred and seventy of the continental troops, for fifteen minutes, 
against the British army ; but were at length obliged to give 
up so unequal a contest, with the loss of thirty-seven men. 
After securing this pass, the British marched from place to 
place, committed some depredations, but gained no laurels, and 
were obliged to return without effecting any thing material. 

4:46. The royal arms were attended with more success in 
South Carolina. Cornwallis, who succeeded to the command of 
the troops in that quarter, obtained a signal victory over general 
Gates on the 16th of August. The action began at daybreak : 
the Americans were more numerous than the British, but num- 
bers were of no advantage, as the ground on which both armies 
stood was narrowed by swamps on the right and left. 

447. The attack was made by the British troops with great 
vigor, and in a few minutes it became general along the whole 
line. It was at this time a dead calm, the air was hazy, so that 
the smoke occasioned so thick a darkness, it was impossible 
for either party to see the effects of a very heavy fire, and 
well supported on both sides. The British troops kept up a 
constant fire, or made use of bayonets, as opportunities offered ; 
and after an obstinate resistance of three quarters of an hour, 
the Americans were thrown into confusion, and forced to give 
way in every quarter. 



308 HISTORY OF 

448. The continental troops behaved wel] ; but the mihtia 
were soon broken, and left the former to oppose the whole force 
of the British troops. General Gates did all in his power to 
rally them, but without effect: the regular troops under general 
Gates retreated in good order ; but the rout of the militia was 
so great, that the British cavalry pursued them to the distance 
of twenty-two miles from the place where the action happened. 
The Americans lost one thousand in killed and wounded, and 
a like number, it is said, taken prisoners ; but the accounts were 
not very accurate. 

449. The British troops engaged in this action did not ex- 
ceed two thousand men, while the American army is said to 
have amounted to six thousand, but the greater part was 
militia. Seven pieces of brass cannon, a number of colors, and 
all the ammunition-wagons, were taken. The killed and wounded 
of the British troops amounted to two hundred and thirteen. 
Major-general baron de Kalb, a Prussian officer in the Ameri- 
can service, was taken prisoner, after he had been mortally 
wounded ; he had distinguished himself in the course of the 
engagement by his gallantry, and received eleven wounds. 

450. Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, who had greatly distin^ 
guished himself in this action, was detached the next day, with 
some cavalry and light-infantry*, to attack a party of Ameri- 
cans, under the command of general Sumpter ; he executed 
this service with great military address. He had received cer- 
tain intelligence of Sumpter's movements ; and by forced and 
concealed marches, came up with him, and surprised him, in 
the middle of the day, on the 18th of the month, near the Ca- 
tawba fords : the detachment under Sumpter was totally dis- 
persed, amounting to seven hundred men; one hundred and 
lifty were killed on the spot, and three hundred made prison- 
ers : two pieces of brass cannon, and forty-four wagons, were 
likewise taken. 

451. While the French fleet and army were blockaded at 
Rhode-Island, by admirals Graves and Arbuthnot, with a fleet 
of ten sail of the Hne ; while our countrymen were brooding 
over their disappointments ; the campaign of 1780 had passed 
away in the northern states, in successive and reiterated dis- 
tresses ; the country exhausted, and the continental currency 
expiring ; the army was inactive for want of subsistence ; and 
while these disasters were openly menacing the ruin of our 
cause, treachery was secretly aiming the deadly blow. 

452. General Arnold, a distinguished officer, a native of 
Connecticut, who had been among the foremost to take up arms 



AMERICA. 309 

against Great Britain, and widen the breach between the pa- 
rent state and the colonies : his distinguished military talents 
had procured him every honor a grateful country could be- 
stow : he was in the full enjoyment of substantial fame : his 
country had not only loaded him with honors, but forgiven his 
crimes: he who had been prodigal of life in his country's 
cause, was indulged in extraordinary demands for his services. 
But the generosity of the states did not keep pace with the ex- 
travagance of their favorite officer. His love of pleasure in- 
duced the love of money: to attain which he sacrificed his 
honor and duty. He made contracts, and entered into partner- 
ships and speculations which could not bear investigation. 
Thus embarrassed, a change of political sides afforded the only 
probable hope of evading a scrutiny, bettering his circum- 
stances, and gratifying his favorite passion. 

453. The American army was stationed in the strong holds 
of the Highlands, on both sides of the North river ; Arnold 
was intrusted by general Washington with the command of 
West Point, a strongly fortified post ; this was called the Gib- 
raltar of America, and was built for the defence of the North 
river. Rocky ridges, rising one behind another, rendered it 
so secure, that it could not be invested by a less number than 
twenty thousand men. — Arnold, being intrusted with the com- 
mand, carried on a negotiation with general Clinton, by which 
it was agreed, he should so arrange matters, that Clinton should 
be enabled to surprise West Point, and have the garrison so com- 
pletely in his power, that the troops must either lay down their 
arms, or be cut to pieces. 

454. The loss of this fort would have been severely felt, as 
it was the" repository of their most valuable stores. Sir Henry 
Clinton's agent in this negotiation was major Andre, adjutant- 
general of the British army, a young officer of uncommon 
merit ; nature had bestowed on him her choicest gifts : he pos- 
sessed many amiable and rare qualities ; his fidelity, his place 
and character, fitted him for this important business ; but his 
high idea for candor, his abhorrence of duplicity and nice sense 
of honor, made him reject those arts of deception which were 
necessary to accomplish its success. To favor the necessary 
communication, the Vulture sloop of war had been previously 
stationed in the North river, as near to Arnold's post as was 
possible, without exciting suspicion. 

455. A written correspondence had been carried on between 
Arnold and Andre, under the fictitious names of Gustavus and 
Anderson. A boat was sent in the night to bring major Andre 



310 HISTORY OF 

to shore ; he was met by Arnold on the beach without the posts 
of either army. As their business was not finished before the 
dawn of day, which made it unsafe for Andre to return to the 
Vulture sloop of war, he was persuaded by Arnold to lie con- 
cealed until the next night. He was then conducted within one 
of the American posts, against his previous stipulation and 
knowledge, and continued with Arnold the following day. The 
next night the boatmen refused to take him back, as the Vul- 
ture had changed her position. The only practicable mode of 
escape was by land to New-York. 

456. To insure success, he changed his uniform, which he 
had hitherto worn under a surtout ; was furnished with a horse, 
and a pass under the name of John Anderson, allowing him to 
go to the White Plains, or lower if he thought proper. He 
advanced alone and undisturbed a great part of the way, but 
v/hen he expected he was nearly out of danger, was stopped by 
three of the New- York militia, who were scouting between the 
posts of the two armies. 

457. Major Andre, instead of producing his pass, aked the 
man who stopped him " Where he belonged ?" who answered, 
" To below," meaning New-York. He replied " So do I," and 
declared himself a British officer, and desired he might not be 
detained. He soon found Iiis mistake. The captors proceeded 
to search him ; and sundry papers were found in his possession. 
These were secreted in his boots, and were in Arnold's hand- 
writing. They contained exact returns of the state of the forces, 
ordnance at West Point, the artillery orders, and critical re- 
marks on the works. 

458. Andre offered his captors a purse of gold and a new 
valuable watch, if they would let him pass ; and permanent 
provision and future promotion, if they would convey and 
accompany him to New-York. This was refused, and he was 
dehvered a prisoner to colonel Jameson, who commanded the 
scouting parties. Andre assumed the name of John Ander- 
son, and asked leave to send a letter to Arnold, to acquaint him 
with his detention : this was granted, and Arnold immediately, 
upon the receipt of the letter, abandoned every thing, and went 
on board the Vulture sloop of war. 

459. Lieutenant-colonel Jameson forwarded, by an express, 
all the papers found on Andre, together with a letter from that 
gentleman, avowing his name and rank. The style of it was 
dignified, without insolence. He stated, that he had held a cor- 
respondence with a person, by order of his general : that his 
intention went no further than to meet that person on neutral 



AMERICA. 311 

ground, for the purpose of intelligence ; and that against his 
express stipulation and intention, he was brought within the 
American posts, and had to concert his escape from them. 
Being taken on his return, he was betrayed into the vile condi- 
tion of an enemy in disguise. He concluded with requesting, 
whatever his fate should prove, a decency of treatment might 
be observed, which would mark, that though unfortunate, he 
was branded with nothing that was dishonorable, and that he 
was involuntarily an impostor. 

460. General Washington referred the case of major Andre 
to the decision of a board of general officers. On his examina- 
tion, he candidly confessed every thing relating to himself; and 
particularly, that he did not come on shore under the sanction 
of a flag. The board did not examine a single witness, but 
founded their report on his own confession ; and finally gave it 
as their opinion, " that major Andre ought to be considered as 
a spy ; and that, agreeably to the laws and usages of nations, 
he ought to suffer death." 

461. Every exertion was made by the royal commanders, 
and every plea that ingenuity and humanity could suggest, to 
save the life of Andre, but without effect. Greene proposed 
dehvering him up for Arnold ; but this could not be acceded to 
by the British, consistently with principles of sound policy. 
Andre, superior to the terrors of death, yet wished to die like 
a soldier. To obtain this favor, he wrote a letter to general 
Washington, fraught with sentiments of military dignity. Gen- 
eral Washington did not think proper to grant this request ; but 
his dehcacy was saved from the pain of a negative denial. The 
guard which attended him in his confinement, marched with him 
to the place of execution. 

462. Major Andre walked with firmness, composure, and 
dignity, between two officers of his guard, his arms locked in 
theirs. Upon seeing the preparations at the fatal spot, he asked 
with some concern, "Must I die in this manner?" He was told 
it was unavoidable. He replied, " I am reconciled to my fate, 
but not to the mode :" but soon added, " it will be but a moment- 
ary pang." He ascended the cart with a pleasing countenance, 
and with a composure which excited the admiration, and melted 
the hearts, of the spectators. Their sensibility was strongly 
impressed, by beholding a well-dressed youth, in the bloom of 
life, of a peculiarly engaging person, mien, and aspect, devoted 
to immediate execution. He was asked, when the fatal moment 
was at hand, if he had any thing to say ; he answered, " No- 
thing but to request that you will witness to the world, that I die 



312 HISTORY OF 

like a brave man." In a few monments the affecting scene was 
closed. To ojffer further remarks upon the fate of this accom- 
plished officer would be unnecessary, as the world has been 
acquainted with every transaction respecting it. 

463. After the defeat of general Gates by earl Cornwallis, 
that nobleman exerted himself to the utmost, in extending the 
progress of the British arms, and with considerable effect. But 
one enterprise, which was conducted by major Ferguson, was 
unsuccessful. That officer had been very active in his exer- 
tions in the royal cause, and had taken great pains to improve 
the discipline of the royal militia; with about 1400 of these, 
he made several incursions into the country. He was, how- 
ever, attacked on the 7th of October, 1780, by a superior body 
of Americans, at King's Mountain, and totally defeated : 150 
were killed in the action; 810 made prisoners, and 1500 stand 
of arms were taken. 

464. But the month following, lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, 
with a party of one hundred and seventy cavalry, attacked 
general Sumpter, who is said to have had one thousand men, at 
a place called Black Stocks, and obliged him to retire. Sump- 
ter was wounded, and about one hundred and twenty of his 
party killed, wounded, and taken prisoners : about fifty of the 
British were killed and wounded. 

CHAPTER VI. 

K. LAURENS TAKEN PRISONER. SURRENDER OF CORNWALLIS. 

TREATY OF PEACE. WASHINGTON FIRST PRESIDENT. 

HIS FAREWELL ADDRESS. HIS DEATH. 

465. On the third of September, 1780, the Mercury, a Con- 
gress packet, was taken by the Vestal, commanded by captain 
Kepple, near Newfoundland. On board this packet was Henry 
Laurens, late president of Congress, who was bound on an 
embassy to Holland. He had thrown his papers overboard, 
but the greatest part of them were recovered, without receiving 
jnuch damage. He was brought to London, and examined be- 
fore the privy-council ; in consequence of which, he was com- 
mitted a close prisoner to the Tower, on a charge of high trea- 
son. The contents of those papers hastened the rupture which 
soon after took place between Great Britain and Holland ; for 
among them was found the plan of a treaty between the United 
States of North America and the republic of Holland. 

466. On the first of January, 1781, the troops that were 
hutted at Morristown, called the Pennsylvania line, turned out, 



AMERICA. 313 

in number about 1300, and declared they woul4 serve no longer, 
unless their grievances were redressed. A riot ensued, in which 
an officer was killed, and some wounded. They Jthen collected 
the artillery and stores, and marched out of the camp. As they 
passed by the quarters of general Wayne, he sent a message 
to them, requesting them to desist, or the consequences might 
prove fatal. They nevertheless proceeded on their march till 
the evening, when they posted themselves advantageously, and 
elected officers to command them ; the next day they marched 
to Middlebrook, and on the third they reached Princeton, where 
they fixed their quarters. On that day, a flag of truce was 
sent to them from the officers of the American camp, with a 
message desiring to be informed what were their intentions. 

467. Some alleged they had served out the time of their en- 
listment, and would serve no longer ; and others declared they 
would not return, unless their grievances were redressed. But 
they all at the same time protested, that they were not actuated 
by motives of disaffection to the American cause. This they 
soon had it in their power to make manifest, when general 
Chnton, who was soon informed of the revolt, and hoped to 
draw them over to the British interest, sent two messengers 
with tempting offers to that purpose: these they disdainfully 
refused, and delivered up the messengers to Congress. Joseph 
Reid, Esq. president of the state of Pennsylvania, afterwards 
effected an accommodation ; those who had served out their 
full time were permitted to return home, and the others, upon 
satisfactory assurances that their grievances should be re- 
dressed, rejoined their countrymen in arms. 

468. On the 11th of January, lord Cornwallis began to make 
vigorous exertions in order to reduce North Carolina, but was 
delayed by general Morgan and the troops under him, who at- 
tempted to make themselves masters of the valuable district of 
Ninety-Six. To prevent this, his lordship dispatched lieutenant- 
colonel Tarleton, with three hundred cavalry, three hundred 
hght-infantry, the seventh regiment, the first battalion of the 
seventy-first regiment, and two field-pieces, to oppose the pro- 
gress of Morgan. The British commander had no doubt of 
the success of the expedition. On the 17th of January, the 
royal detachment came up with the Americans, under general 
Morgan, two-thirds of whom were militia : these were drawn 
up in a wood, at a place called the Cowpens, near Pacolet 
river. 

469. The British, besides the advantage of field-pieces, had 
five to four in infantry, and more than three to one in cavalry : 

2B 



314 HISTORY OF 

the attack was begun by the first line of infantry, consisting 
of the seventh regiment, and a corps of Hght infantry, with a 
troop of cavahy placed on each flank. The first battaUon of 
the seventy-first, and the remainder of the cavalry, formed the 
reserve. The American line soon gave way, and the militia 
quitted the field ; upon which the king's troops, supposing victory 
certain, engaged with ardor in the pursuit, and were thereby 
thrown into disorder : general Morgan's corps, supposed to 
have been routed, immediately faced about, discharged a heavy 
fire upon the royalists, and threw them into such confusion, 
that they were totally defeated. 

470. Four hundred of the British light infantry were killed, 
wounded, or taken prisoners : the two field-pieces fell into the 
hands of the Americans, together with the colors of the sev- 
enth regiment ; and almost all the detachment of royal artillery 
were cut to pieces in defence of their colors. Colonel Tarleton 
then retreated to Hamilton's ford, near the mouth of Bullock's 
creek, with part of his baggage, having destroyed the rest. 
This stroke was sensibly felt by lord Cornwallis. 

471. The care of collecting the remains of Tarleton's corps 
now principally employed his thoughts, as well as to endeavor 
to form a junction with general Leslie, who had been ordered 
to march towards him with a body of British troops from 
Wynnesborough. Considerable exertions were then made by 
part of the army to retake the prisoners, and intercept general 
Morgan's corps on its retreat to the Catawba. But that officer, 
by forced marches, had crossed it, the evening before a great 
rain ; this swelled the river to such a height as prevented the 
British from crossing for several days ; in which time the pris- 
oners, with their captors, had crossed the Yadkin river, whence 
they proceeded to the river Dan, which they also passed ; and 
on the 14th of February, they reached Guilford Court-House, 
in Virginia. 

472. Lord Cornwallis halted two days to collect flour, and 
rid himself of all unnecessary encumbrances. Being thus pre- 
pared, he marched through North Carolina with great rapidity, 
and penetrated to the extremities of that province, to the banks 
of the river Dan : some skirmishes ensued, but he met with no 
very considerable opposition. On the 1st of February, 1781, 
the king's troops crossed the Catawba, at M'Cowan's ford, 
where general Davidson was posted with a party of American 
militia to oppose their passage ; but he being killed at the first 
discharge, the royal troops made good their landing, and the 
militia retreated. 



AMERICA. 315 

473. When lord Cornwallis arrived at Hillsborough, he 
erected the royal standard, and invited, by proclamation, all 
loyal subjects to repair to it, and assist in the restoration of 
order and good government. He had been informed that the 
king's friends were numerous in that part of the country : but 
the event did not confirm the truth of such information. The 
royalists were but few in number, or too timid to join the king's 
standard. About two hundred were proceeding to Hillsborough, 
to avow their attachment to the royal cause, under colonel 
Pyle, but they were met by a detachment of the American 
army, who attacked and utterly routed them. General Greene 
in the mean while was marching with great expedition with the 
troops under his command, to form a junction with other Ame- 
rican corps, that he might impede the progress of lord Corn- 
wallis. 

474. General Greene having effected a junction, on the 10th 
of March, 1781, with a regiment of continental troops, and two 
large bodies of militia from Virginia and North Carolina, was 
resolved to attack the British troops under lord Cornwallis. 
They accordingly marched on the 12th, and on the 14th arrived 
at Guilford. Lord Cornwallis was apprized of the designs of 
the American general ; as they approached nearer to each other, 
a few skirmishes between the advanced parties took place. On 
the 15th, lord Cornwallis proceeded with his whole force to 
attack the Americans on their march, or in their encampment. 
About four miles from Guilford, the advanced guard of the 
British army, commanded by colonel Tarleton, was met by 
lieutenant-colonel Lee's division, with whom he had a severe 
skirmish, and was obliged to make a precipitate retreat. The 
country in which the action happened was a perfect wilderness, 
excepting some few fields interspersed. 

475. The American army was posted on a rising ground, 
about a mile and a half from Guilford Court-House : it was 
drawn up in three hnes, the front composed of the North Caro- 
lina militia, under the command of generals Butler and Eaton ; 
the second line of Virginia militia commanded by generals 
Stephens and Lawson, forming two brigades ; the third line 
consisting of two brigades, one of Maryland, and the other of 
Virginia, continental troops ; and a regiment of riflemen, under 
colonel Lynch, formed a corps of observation for the security 
of the right flank ; lieutenant-colonel Lee, with his legion, a 
detachment of light infantry, and a body of riflemen, under 
colonel Campbell, formed a corps of observation for the secu- 
rity of the lefl flank. 



316 HISTORY OF 

476. The attack on the American army was made by the 
directions of lord Cornwallis. On the right the regiment of Bose, 
and the seventy-first regiment, led by major-general Leslie, and 
supported by the first battalion of guards; on the left, the 
twenty-third and thirty-third regiments, led by lieutenant-col- 
onel Webster, and supported by the grenadiers, and second bat- 
talion of guards, commanded by brigadier-general O'Hara. 
The yagers and light infantry remained in a wood, on the left 
of the ordnance, to act as circumstances might require. 

477. About two P. M. the attack began by a cannonade 
which lasted about twenty minutes, when the action became 
general. The American forces under colonels Washington and 
Lee, were warmly engaged and did great execution. Colonel 
Tarleton's orders were to keep the cavalry compact, and not to 
charge without positive orders, except it was to protect any of 
the divisions from the most imminent danger of being defeated. 
The woods were so thick, that neither party could make a free 
use of the bayonet. 

478. The second battalion of guards were the first that 
gained the clear ground, near Guilford Court-House, where 
was a corps of continental infantry, superior in number; these 
were formed in the open field, on the left of the road. Desirous 
of signalizing themselves, they imm.ediately attacked, and soon 
gained an advantage, taking two guns ; but as they pursued 
the Americans with too much ardor to a wood, they were 
thrown into confusion by a heavy fire, and were instantly 
driven into the field, by colonel Washington's dragoons, who 
recovered the artillery. The American cavalry were after- 
wards repulsed, and the artillery again fell into the hands of 
the British. 

479. The British having broken the second Maryland regi- 
ment, and turned the left flank of the Americans, got into the 
rear of the Virginia brigade, and were endeavoring to gain 
their right ; which would have inclosed the whole of the con- 
tinental troops. A retreat was immediately ordered by general 
Greene, which was conducted with good order to Reedy-Fork 
river, and they crossed the ford about three miles from the field 
of action, where they halted. After the stragglers were col- 
lected, they retreated to the Iron-works, about ten miles from 
Guilford, and encamped. The Americans lost their artillery 
and ammunition-wagons. 

480. The action lasted an hour and a half, in which short 
space, according to the account of lord Cornwallis, there were 
of the British 532 killed, wounded, and taken prisoners. Gen* 



AMERICA. 817 

eral Greene," in his account to Congress, gives an account of 
no more than 329 killed, wounded, and missing : but he gave 
no account of the militia, which was more than one hundred. 
Lieutenant-colonel Stewart was killed in the action ; lieutenant- 
colonel Webster ; the captains Schutz, Maynard, and Goodrich 
died of the wounds they received ; and the brigadier-generals 
O'Hara and Howard, and colonel Tarleton were wounded. 
The principal officer among the Americans killed, was major 
Anderson, of the Maryland line, and generals Stephens and 
Huger were wounded. 

481. Notwithstanding general Greene's defeat, he endeavored 
to make some further attempts against the king's forces in 
South Carolina. Lord Rawdon, an experienced and gallant 
officer, was posted at Camden, with about 800 British troops 
and provincials. Greene appeared before that place on the 19th 
of April, with a large body of continental troops and militia. 
Despairing of success, should he attempt to storm the town, he 
took such a position as he imagined would be likely to induce 
the enemy to make a sally from their works ; when he thought 
he might attack them with advantage. Greene therefore posted 
the Americans on an eminence, which was covered with wood, 
flanked on the left by an impassable swamp. 

482. On the morning of the 25th, lord Rawdon marched 
out of Camden, and attacked Greene in his camp, who was 
compelled to give way, after making a vigorous resistance : he 
had been in hopes of defeating the British, having so advan- 
tageous a situation, and such a commanding superiority in point 
of numbers. The bravery of colonel Washington was very 
conspicuous in this action ; he made 200 of the English prison- 
ers, besides ten or twelve officers, before he perceived his com- 
panions were retreating. The British had about 100 killed and 
wounded : upwards of 100 of the Americans were taken prison- 
ers ; and according to general Greene's account, there were 126 
Americans killed and wounded. The British, it was said, con- 
tinued the pursuit three miles. After this action, the Americans 
retreated to Rudgely Mills, twelve miles from Camden. Lord 
Rawdon soon after left that place, having first burned the jail, 
mills, and some private houses. 

483. Greene's next expedition was an attack upon Ninety- 
Six, which he attempted to storm, but was repulsed with great 
bravery ,• he then retired with his army behind the Saluda river, 
a strong situation, about 16 miles from Ninety-Six. About this 
time, major-general Phillips, and brigadier-general Arnold, 

2B2 



318 HISTORY OF 

made some predatory incursions into "Virginia, destroying the 
American stores and magazines ; but the royal cause was not 
much benefited by such a waste of property. 

484. Lord CornwaUis, after his victory over general Greene, 
at Guilford, proceeded to Wilmington ; and on the 20th of May 
arrived at Petersburg, in Virginia. On the 16th of June, 1781, 
about six miles from W^illiamsburg, lieutenant-colonel Simcoe, 
with about 350 of the queen's rangers, and eighty yagers 
mounted, were attacked by the Americans, whom they repulsed 
with great gallantry and success, making four officers and 
twenty private men prisoners. The loss of the Americans in 
this action, is said to have been more than one hundred and 
twenty. 

485. On the 6th of July, an action took place near the 
Green Springs, in Virginia, between a reconnoitring party of 
Americans, under general V^ayne, and a large party of the 
British army under lord CornwaUis, in which the Americans 
had 127 killed and wounded ; and the loss of the royal troops 
is said to have been much greater. 

486. In a variety of skirmishes about this time, the marquis 
de la Fayette distinguished himself, and displayed the utmost 
ardor in the American cause. On the 8th of September, 1781, 
general Greene defeated colonel Stuart, near the Eutaw Springs, 
in South Carolina, which was so important in its consequences 
as to relieve the state from the pressure of the war, and con- 
tributed to the successful issue of the conflict. 

487. Lord CornwaUis had now become sensible that his 
situation in Virginia was very critical ; the reinforcements and 
supplies being expected from Sir Henry Clinton, and without 
which he could not insure to himself success, had not arrived. 
General Washington's military movements were such as im- 
pressed on the mind of that British general a fear that his de- 
signs were upon New-York ; he therefore thought it too hazard- 
ous to send any large body of troops to the assistance of his 
lordship. 

488. General Washington having thus, for a considerable 
time, kept Sir Henry Clinton in continual alarm, suddenly 
quitted his camp at the White Plains, crossed the Delaware, 
and marched towards Virginia, with the design of attacking 
lord CornwaUis. Sir Henry, about the same time, was informed 
that the count de Grasse, with a large French fleet, was ex- 
pected every moment in the Chesapeake, in order that he might 
co-operate with general Washington. He immediately sent, 
both by land and water, intelligence to lord CornwaUis : and 



AMERICA. 319 

that he would either reinforce him, or make the most effectual 
diversion in his power. 

489. On the 28th of August, Sir Samuel Hood, with a squad- 
ron from the West Indies, joined the squadron under admiral 
Graves, before New- York. They immediately proceeded to 
the Chesapeake ; where they arrived on the 5th of September, 
with nineteen ships of the line, when they found count de 
Grasse anchored in the bay, with twenty-four ships of the line. 
The French admiral had previously landed a large body of 
troops, who immediately marched to join the American army 
under general Washington. On the same day the two fleets 
came to an engagement : on board the British fleet 90 were 
killed, and 246 wounded. Some of the ships were much dam- 
aged, and the Terrible, a 74-gun ship, was so much shattered, 
that it was found most expedient to set her on fire. The two 
fleets continued in sight of each other for five days. 

490. At length the French fleet anchored within the Capes, 
so as to block up the passage. Admiral Graves then held a 
council of war, in which it was resolved, that the fleet should 
proceed to New- York, and the ships be put in the best state for 
service. Before the news of this action had reached New-York, 
a council of war was held there, in which it was resolved that 
5000 men should be embarked in the king's ships, and proceed 
to the assistance of lord Cornwallis : but this resolution was 
rescinded, when it was known that the French were masters of 
the Chesapeake. In another council it was resolved that, as 
lord Cornwallis had provisions to last him to the end of Octo- 
ber, it was most advisable to wait for the arrival of admiral 
Digby, who was expected with three ships of the line. 

491. In the mean time, the most effectual measures were 
adopted by general Washington for surrounding the British 
army under lord Cornwallis. A large body of French troops 
were under the command of lieutenant-general count Rocham- 
beau, with a large train of artillery. The [American forces 
were, in number, about 1300, under the command of general 
Washington. 

492. On the 29th of September, 1781, York-Town, in Vir- 
ginia, was completely invested, and the British army quite block- 
ed up. The day following. Sir Henry Clinton wrote a letter to 
lord Cornwallis, containing assurances that he would do every 
thing that was in his power to relieve him, and some further 
information respecting the manner in which he intended to 
accomplish that relief. A duplicate of this letter was sent to 
lord Cornwallis by major Cochran: that gentleman went in 



320 HISTORY OF 

a vessel to the Capes, and made his way through the whole 
French fleet in an open boat. He got to York-Town on the 
10th of October, and the next day had his head taken off by a 
cannon-ball, as he was walking by the side of lord Cornwallis. 
The fate of this gallant officer drew tears from the eyes of his 
lordship. 

493. After the return of admiral Graves to New- York, a 
council of war was held, in which it was resolved, that a large 
body of troops should be embarked, and that exertions of both 
fleet and army should be made, in order to form a junction with 
lord Cornwallis. Sir Henry Clinton himself, with 7000 troops, 
went on board the fleet, on the 18th. They came abreast of 
Cape Charles, at the entrance of the Chesapeake, on the 24th, 
where they received intelligence that lord Cornwallis had been 
obliged to capitulate five days before. On the 19th of Oct. 1781, 
his lordship surrendered himself and his whole army, by capi- 
tulation, prisoners to the combined armies of America and 
France. He made a defence worthy his former fame for mili- 
tary achievements, but was compelled to submit by imperious 
necessity, and superior numbers. 

494. The British prisoners amounted to upwards of 6000, 
but many of them, at the time of surrender, were incapable of 
duty. The infantry, cannon, and military stores, fell to the 
Americans, but the seamen and the shipping were, by the ar- 
ticles of capitulation, to be delivered up to the French. After 
this event, the subjugation of the colonies was virtually given 
up. Some inconsiderable skirmishes took place afterwards be- 
tween the Refugees and the Americans ; but were not of that 
importance as to merit a place in history. 

495. On the 5th of May, 1782, Sir Guy Carleton arrived 
at New- York, being appointed to the command of the British 
troops in North America. Soon after his arrival he wrote a let- 
ter to general Washington, informing him that admiral Digby, 
with himself, were appointed commissioners to treat for peace 
with the people of America. Another letter was sent, dated 2d 
of August, signed by Sir Guy Carleton and admiral Digby, in 
which they informed general Washington, that negotiations for 
a general peace had commenced at Paris. Notwithstanding 
these favorable appearances, the Americans were jealous it was 
the design of the British court to disunite them, or induce them 
to treat of a peace separately from their ally, the king of 
France. 

496. Congress, therefore, passed a resolution, that any man, 
or body of men, who should presume to make any separate 



AMERICA. 321 

treaty, partial convention, or agreement, with the king of Great 
Britain, or with any commissioner or commissioners, under the 
crown of Great Britain, ought to be treated as open and avowed 
enemies of the United States of America, and that those states 
could not, with propriety, hold any conference or treaty with 
any commissioners on the part of Great Britain, unless they 
should, as a preliminary, either withdraw their fleets and armies, 
or in express terms acknowledge the Independence of the said 
States. 

497. On the 30th of November, 1782, the provisional arti- 
cles of peace and reconciliation between Great Britain and the 
American States were signed at Paris ; by which Great Britain 
acknowledged the Independence and sovereignty of the United 
States of America. These articles were ratified by a definitive 
treaty, September 3d, 1783. John Adams, John Jay, and Ben- 
jamin Franklin, were the gentlemen appointed by Congress to 
negotiate this peace on the part of America ; and two gentle- 
men, Oswald and Hartly, on the part of the British. 

498. Thus ended a long and unnatural contest, in which 
Great Britain expended many millions of pounds sterling, lost 
thousands of her bravest subjects, and won nothing. America 
obtained her Independence, at the expense of many thousands 
of lives, and much treasure ; but has established an asylum for 
the persecuted friends of Liberty and the Rights of Man ; and 
has become the admiration of all succeeding ages of men ! 
How cheap the purchase ! how rich the blessing ! 

499. The 18th of October, 1783, Congress issued a pro- 
clamation, in which the armies of the United States were ap- 
plauded " for having displayed, through the progress of an 
arduous and difficult war, every military and patriotic virtue, 
and for which the thanks of their country were given them." 
They also declared that such part of their armies as stood en- 
gaged to serve during the war, should, from and after the 3d 
day of November, be discharged from the said service. The 
day preceding their dismission, general Washington issued his 
farewell orders. The evacuation of New-York took place 
about three weeks after the American army was discharged. 
For a twelvemonth before, there had been an unrestrained com- 
munication between that city, though a British garrison, and 
the adjacent country ; the bitterness of war had passed away, 
and civilities were freely exchanged between those who but 
lately were engaged in deadly contests, and sought for all op- 
portunities to destroy each other. 

500. As soon as the royal army was withdrawn, general 



322 HISTORY OF 

Washington and governor Clinton, with their suites, made a 
public entry into New- York : a general joy was manifested by 
the citizens on their return to their habitations, and in the even- 
ing there was a display of fire-works ; which exceeded every 
thing of the kind that had been seen in America. General 
Washington soon after took leave of his officers, they having 
been previously assembled for that purpose. Calling for a glass 
of wine, he thus addressed them, " With a heart full of love 
and gratitude, I now take leave of you ; I most devoutly wish 
that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy as your 
former ones have been glorious and honorable." 

501. He afterwards took an affectionate leave of each of 
them ; when this affecting scene was over, Washington left the 
room, and passed through the corps of light-infantry, to the 
place of embarkation ; as he entered the barge, to cross the 
North River, he turned to his companions in glory, waved his 
hat, and took a silent adieu. The officers who had followed 
him in mute procession, answered his last signal with tears, 
and hung upon the barge which conveyed him from their sight, 
till they could no longer distinguish their beloved commander- 
in-chief. 

502. The general proceeded to Annapolis, the seat of Con- 
gress, to resign his commission. X)n his way thither, he de- 
livered to the comptroller in Philadelphia, an account of the 
expenditure of all the public money he had ever received. This 
was in his own hand-writing, and every entry made in a very 
exact manner. The whole sum which passed through his 
hands during the war, amounted only to $64,355 26 7 mills; 
no sum charged or retained for personal services. 

503. The day on which he resigned his commission, a great 
number of distinguished personages attended the interesting 
scene, on the 23d of December, 1783 : rising with great dig- 
nity, he addressed the president, Thomas Mifflin, as follows : 

" Mr. President, 

" The great events on which my resignation depended, having, at length 
taken place, I have now the honor of offering my sincere congratulations 
to Congress, and of presenting myself before them to surrender into their 
hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring 
from the service of my country. 

" Happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, and 
pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States of becoming a re- 
spectable nation, I resign, with satisfaction, the appointment I accepted 
with diffidence ;-a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a 
task, which, however, was superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of 
our cause, the support of the supreme power of the Union, and the patron- 
age of Heaven. 



AMERICA. 323 

" The successful termination of the war has verified the most sanguine 
expectations ; and my gratitude for the interposition of Providence, and 
the assistance I have received from my countrymen, increases with every 
review of the momentous contest. 

" While I repeat my obligations to the army in general, I should do 
injustice to my own feelings not to acknowledge, in this place, the peculiar 
services and distinguished merits of the persons who have been attached 
to my person during the war. It was, impossible the choice of confidential 
ofiicers to compose my family should have been more fortunate. Permit me. 
Sir, to recommend in particular those who have continued in the service 
to the present moment, as worthy of the favorable notice and patronage of 
Congress. 

" I consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last solemn act of 
my official Ufe, by commending the interests of our dearest country to 
the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superintendence 
of them, to his holy keeping. 

" Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the great 
tlieatre of action : and bidding an aflfectionate farewell to this august body, 
under whose orders I have long acted, I here offer my commission, and 
take my leave of all the employments of public life." 

504. The president made a suitable reply. The mingled 
emotions that agitated the minds of the spectators during this 
interesting and solemn scene, were beyond description. Im- 
mediately on resigning his commission, general Washington 
" hastened with ineffable delight," to use his own words, to 
his seat at Mount Vernon, on the banks of the Potomac, in 
Virginia. 

505. The country, now free from foreign force and domestic 
violence, and in the enjoyment of general tranquillity, a propo- 
sition was made by Virginia to all the other states, to meet in 
convention, for the purpose of digesting a form of government ; 
which finally issued in the establishment of a new constitution. 
Congress, which formerly consisted of one body, was made to 
consist of two ; one of which was to be chosen by the people, 
in proportion to their numbers, the other by the state legisla- 
tures. Warm and animating debates took place on the pro- 
priety of establishing or rejecting it. The ratification of it was 
celebrated in most of the states with suitable processions. 

CHAPTER VII. 

MEETING OF CONGRESS. ELECTION OF GENERAL WASHING- 
TON TO THE PRESIDENCY. HIS FAREWELL ADDRESS. HIS 

DEATH. 

506. The first Congress under the new constitution met at 
New- York, in April, 1789. Though there were a great diver- 
sity of opinions about the new constitution, all were of one 



324 HISTORY OF 

mind who should be their chief executive officer. The people 
unanimously turned their eyes on the late commander-in-chief, 
as the most proper person to be their first president. Unam- 
bitious of any increase of honors, he had retired to his farm 
in Virginia, and hoped to be excused from all further public 
service. But his country called him by an unanimous vote to 
fill the highest station in its gift. 

507. That pure and upright zeal for his country's welfare, 
which had uniformly influenced him to devote his time and tal- 
ents to its service, again impelled him to relinquish the more 
pleasing scenes of retirement, and induced him once more to 
engage in the important concerns of public life. The intelli- 
gence of his election was communicated to him while he was 
on his farm in Virginia : he soon after set out for New- York : 
on his way thither, every expression of respect, that a grateful 
people could bestow, was shown him. Gentlemen of the first 
character and station, attended him from state to state. A day 
was fixed, soon after his arrival at New-York, for his taking the 
oath of office. 

508. In the morning of the day appointed for this purpose., 
the clergy, of different denominations, assembled their congre- 
gations in their respective places of worship, and offered up 
prayers for the president and people of the United States. About 
noon, a procession, followed by a multitude of citizens, moved 
from the president's house to Federal Hall. When they came 
within a short distance of the hall, the troops formed a line on 
both sides of the way, through which the president and vice- 
president, John Adams, passed into the senate chamber. Im- 
mediately after, accompanied by the members of both houses, 
he went into the gallery fronting Broad-street, and before them 
and an immense crowd of spectators, took the oath prescribed 
by the constitution ; which was administered by R. R. Living- 
ston, chancellor of the state of New-York. 

509. During the performance of this ceremony, a profound 
silence prevailed. The chancellor then proclaimed him. Presi- 
dent of the United States of America. This was announced 
by the discharge of thirteen guns, and by the joyful acclama- 
tions of near 10,000 citizens. Washington then retired to the 
senate chamber, where he delivered a speech to both houses ; 
near the conclusion of which he signified his intention of declin- 
ing all pecuniary compensation. 

510. This memorable day completed the organization of the 
constitution. The experience of former ages, as well as of 
later times, has given many melancholy and fatal proofs, that 



AMERICA. 325 

popular governments have seldom answered in practice. But the 
inhabitants of the United States have made tlie experiment : 
that they may succeed to the end of time, in asserting the dig- 
nity of human nature, and a capacity of self-government, is 
* devoutly to be wished.' 

511. The appointment of general Washington to the presi- 
dency of the United States, was peculiarly fortunate ; he pos- 
sessed such a commanding influence in the minds of the great 
bulk of the people, arising from a sure and well-placed confi- 
dence in his patriotism and integrity ; that they with cheerful- 
ness acquiesced in all his measures for the public -welfare ; 
notwithstanding, that during his administration, Great Britain 
and France were involved in a ruinous war, and there were 
many politicians in America, in favor of the latter, who would 
gladly have made a common cause with her against Great Bri- 
tain ; yet the firmness and sagacity of Washington prevented 
the threatened evil. 

.512. Genet, the ambassador from France, openly, and in 
defiance of the government of the United States, attempted to 
commission American citizens to arm and fit out vessels, to 
cruise against British subjects : but the president's proclamation, 
enjoining a strict neutrality, was sanctioned by the great body 
of the people ; and the insolent ravings of Genet were taken 
no further notice of, than to furnish the different states with a 
fresh opportunity of expressing their continued approbation and 
confidence in the measures of Washington's administration. 

513. When the term of his appointment as president had 
expired, he intimated to his friends his intention to return once 
more to his loved seclusion : he had even contemplated his 
farewell address, and was preparing to retire from the weight 
of public cares, when his countrymen, apprehensive for the 
public satety, in so critical a moment, united to implore him to 
desist from a resolution so alarming to their fears. Their inter- 
position prevailed, and he again entered upon the arduous task, 
to the manifest satisfaction of every honest American; but 
what made the task sit more easy upon him, was the assistance 
of eminent men in the executive department. 

514. The names of Adams, Hamilton, Pickering, Wollcott, 
and others, are names, which will long be remembered with 
gratitude by posterity, when the envenomed tongue of detrac» 
tion will be no more. In 1796, in the month of September, 
a new election was to take place, when the public was anxiously 
desirous, that general Washington would again accept the first 
office in their gift ; but his unalterable resolution was taken, to 

2C 



326 HISTORY OF 

recede from the toils of state. His Farewell Address con- 
tains such prudent and sound advice to his fellow-citizens, as 
shows that his country's welfare was still dear to his heart. 
" Friends and Fellow-citizens, 

" The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive 
government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actu- 
ally arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the 
person who is to be clothed with the important trust, it appears to me 
proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the 
public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, 
to decline being considered among the number of those, out of whom a 
choice is to be made. 

" I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that 
this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the consid- 
erations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his 
country ; and that in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in 
my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for 
your future interests ; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kind- 
ness ; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible 
with both. 

" The acceptance of and continuance hitherto, in the office to which 
your suffrages have twice called me, have been an uniform sacrifice of in- 
clination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be 
your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in 
my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disre- 
gard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly 
drawn. The strength of my inclination to this, previous to the last elec- 
tion, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you ; but 
mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs 
with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my 
confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. 

" I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, 
no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the senti- 
ment of duty or propriety ; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be 
retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country, 
you will not disapprove my determination to retire. 

" The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were 
explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will 
only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organ- 
ization and administration of the government, with the best exertions of 
which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the out- 
set, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, 
perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives of 
diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years ad- 
monishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary 
to me, as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have 
given peculiar value to my serv ices, they were temporary ; I have the con- 
solation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the 
political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. 

" In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the 
career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep 
acknowledgement of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved 



AMERICA. 327 

country for the many honors it has conferred upon me ; still more for the 
stedfast confidence with which it has supported me ; and for the oppor- 
tunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, 
by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my 
zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it 
always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in 
our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in 
every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes 
dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which 
not imfrequently, want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, 
the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a 
guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. 

" Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to ray 
grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows, that Heaven may con- 
tinue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence ; that your union and 
brotherly affection may be perpetual ; that the free constitution, which is 
the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained : that its administra- 
tion, in every department, may be stamped with wisdom and virtue ; that 
in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of 
liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation, and so pru- 
dent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recom- 
mending it to the applause, the affection and adoption of every nation 
which is yet a stranger to it. 

" Here, perhaps, I ought to stop ; but a solicitude for your welfare, whicli 
cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to 
that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your 
solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some 
sentiments, which are the result of much refiection, of no inconsiderable 
observation, and which appear to me all-important lo ihe permanency cf 
your felicity as a people. I'licse will be offered to you with the more free- 
dom, as you can only see ia them the disinterested warnings of a parting 
friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor 
can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of mv 
sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. 

" Interwoven as is the love of hberty with every ligament of your hearts, 
no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attach- 
ment. The UNITY of government which constitutes you one people, is also 
now dear to you. It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of 
your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your 
peace abroad ; of your safety ; of your prosperity ; of that very liberty 
which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that from different 
causes, and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many ar- 
tifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth ; as 
this is the point in your poUtical fortress against which the batteries of 
internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively, though 
oflen covertly and insidiously directed, it is of infinite moment, that you 
should properly estimate the immense value of your national union, to 
your collective and individual happiness ; that you shotild cherish a cordial, 
habitual, and immovable attachment to it ; accustoming yourselves to 
think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and pros- 
perity ; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety ; discounte- 
nancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, 
be abandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every 



328 HISTORY OF 

attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble 
the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. 

" For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citi- 
zens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to 
concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to 
you, in your national capacity, must always exalt tiie just pride of patriot- 
ism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With 
slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, 
and political principles. You have, in a common cause, fought and tri- 
umphed together : the independence and liberty you possess are the work 
of joint councils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and 
successes. 

" But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves 
to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those v/hich apply more 
immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds 
the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the 
union of the whole. 

" The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected 
by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of 
the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enter- 
prise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in 
the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agricul- 
ture grow, and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own chan- 
nels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigor- 
ated ; and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase 
the general mass of the national navigation, it looks tbrv^ard to the pro- 
tection of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. The 
East, in a like intercourse with the West, r.lready finds, and in the pro- 
o-ressivo imp.-nvp.nient of interior communications, by land and water, will 
find more and more, a valuable vent for the commodities v;hich it brings 
from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East 
supplies requisite to its growth and comfort ; and what is perhaps of still 
arreater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjpyment of 
mdispensable outlets for its own productions, to the weight, influence, and 
the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed 
by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. — Any other tenure 
by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whetlier derived 
from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural con- 
nexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. 

" While then every part of our country thus feels immediate and par- 
ticular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the 
united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resources, 
proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent in- 
terruption of their peace by foreign nations ; and what is of inestimable 
value, they must derive, from Union, an exemption from those broils and 
wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring coun- 
tries, not tied together by the sam^e government ; which their own rival- 
ships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alli- 
ances, attaclnuents, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. — Hence, 
likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military estab- 
lishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to 
liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican 
Liberty ; in this sense it is that your Union ought to be considered as a 



AMERICA. 329 

main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to 
you the preservation of the other. 

*' These considerations speak a persuasive language to every -reflecting 
and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary 
object of patriotic desire. — Is there a doubt whether a common govern- 
ment can embrace so large a sphere ? Let experience solve it. To listen 
to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to 
hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency 
of governments for the respective sub-divisions, will aiFord a happy issue 
to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With 
such powerful and obvious motives to Union, aifecting all parts of our 
country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, 
there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who, in any 
quarter, may endeavor to weaken its bands. 

" In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs, 
as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished 
for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations, " Northern and 
Southern, Atlantic and Western ;" whence designing men may endeavor 
to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. 
One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular dis- 
tricts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You 
cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burn- 
ings which spring from these misrepresentations: they tend to render 
alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal 
affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful 
lesson on this head ; they have seen, in the negotiation by tlie executive^ 
and in the unanimous ratification by the senate, of the treaty with Spain, 
and in the imiversal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United 
States, a decisive proof how unfounded v/ere the suspicions propagated 
among them, of the policy in the general government, and in the Atlantic 
states, unfriendly to their interests, in regard to the Mississippi : they have 
been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, 
and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, 
in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. 
Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advan- 
tages on the Union, by which they were procured ? will they not hence- 
forth be deaf to those advisers, if such there be, who would sever them 
from their brethren, and connect them with aliens ? 

" To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government for the 
whole is indispensable. — No alliances, however strict, between the parts, 
can be an adequate substitute ; they must inevitably experience the in- 
fractions and interruptions which all alliances, in all times, have experi- 
enced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your 
first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government, better calcu- 
lated than your former, for an intimate union, and for the efficacious man- 
agement of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of 
our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation 
and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles ; in the distribu- 
tion of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within 
itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confi- 
dence and support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, 
acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental 
maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political system is the right 
2 C2 



330 HISTORY OF 

of the people to make and to alter their constitution of government : but, 
the constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and 
authentic act of the whole people, is a sacred obligation upon all. The 
very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish govern- 
ment, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established 
government. 

" All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and 
associations, under whatever plausible character, with real design to di- 
rect, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberations and actions of 
the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle^ 
and of fatal tedency. They serve to orgeuiize faction, to give it an artifi- 
cial and extraordinary force ; to put in the place of the delegated will of 
the nation, the will of a party, often a small, but artful and enterprising, 
minority of the community ; and according to the alternate triumphs of 
different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill- 
concerted and incongruous projects of faction, ratlier than the organ of 
consistent and wholesome plans digested by common councils, and modified 
by mutual interests. 

"However combinations, or associations of the above description, may 
now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time 
and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and 
unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and 
to usurp for themselves the reins of government ; destroying afterwards 
the very engines which lifted them to unjust dominion. 

" Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency 
of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily dis- 
countenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also 
that you resist, with care, the spirit of innovation upon its principles, 
liowever specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, 
in the forms of the constitution, alterations which will impair the energy 
of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. 
In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and 
habit are as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of 
other human institutions ; that experience is the surest standard by which 
to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country ; that 
facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes 
to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypotheses and opinion ; 
and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common 
interest, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor 
as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is indispensable. Lib- 
erty will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and 
adjusted, its surest guardian. It is little else than a name, where the 
government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine 
each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and 
to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of per- 
son and property. 

" I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, 
with a particular reference to the founding of them on geographical dis- 
criminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn 
you, in the most solemn manner, against the baneful effects of the spirit 
of party in general. 

"This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its 
root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under differ- 



AMERICA. 331 

eut shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; 
but in those of the popular form, it is- seen in its greatest rankness, and 
is truly their worst enemy. 

" The alternate dominion of one faction over another, sharpened by the 
spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which, in different ages and 
countries, has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful 
despotism — But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent des- 
potism. The disorders and miseries which generally result, gradually 
incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute 
power of an individual : and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing 
faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this dis- 
position to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public lib- 
erty. 

" Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, which never^ 
theless ought not to be entirely out of sight, the common and continual 
mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and 
duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. 

" It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble tlie pub- 
lic administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies 
and false alarms ; kindles the animosity of one party against another ; 
foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign 
influence and corruption, which find a faciUtated access to the govern- 
ment itself, through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy ancf 
the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. 

" There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks 
upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the 
spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true ; and in 
governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, 
if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular 
character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encour- 
aged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be 
enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose : and there being con- 
stant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, 
to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched ; it demands a uni- 
form vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of v/arm- 
ing, it should consume. 

" It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country 
should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine 
themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the 
exercise of their powers of one department, to encroach upon another. 
The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the de- 
partments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, 
a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness 
to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy 
us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in 
the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into dif- 
ferent depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal 
against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient 
and modern ; some of them in our country, and under our own eyes. To 
preserve them, must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the 
opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional 
powers be, in any particular, v>'rong, let it be corrected by an amendment 
iii a way which the constitution designates. But let there be no change 



332 HISTORY OF 

by usurpation ; for though this in one instance may be the instrument of 
good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. 
The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil, any 
partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. 

" Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, 
Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that 
man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these 
great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men 
and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to 
respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions 
with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the secu- 
rity for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obliga- 
tion desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in courts 
of justice? and let us, with caution, indulge the supposition, that morality 
can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the 
influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and 
experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in 
exclusion of rehgious principles. 

" It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring 
of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force 
to every species of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, 
can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the 
fabric ? 

" Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the 
general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a gov- 
ernment gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion 
should be enlightened. 

" As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public 
credit. One method of preserving it, is to use it as sparingly as possible ; 
avoiding the occasions of expense by cultivating peace ; but remembering 
also, tliat timely disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent 
much greater disbursements to repel it ; avoiding likewise the accumula- 
tion of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous 
exertions in time of peace, to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars 
may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the bur- 
then which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims 
belongs to our representatives ; but it is necessary that public opinion 
should co-operate. 

"To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that 
you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts 
there must be revenue; that to have revenue, there must be taxes; that 
no taxes can be devised that are not more or less inconvenient and un- 
pleasant ; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection 
of the proper objects, which is always a choice of difficulties, ought to be 
a decisive motive, for candid construction of the conduct of the govern- 
ment in making it, and for the spirit of acquiescence in the measures for 
obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. 

" Observe good faith and justice towards all nations : cultivate peace and 
harmony with all : religion and morality enjoin this conduct ; and can it 
be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it ? It will be worthy of a free, 
enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind 
tlie magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an 
exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of 



AMERICA. 333 

time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any tempo- 
rary advantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to it f— Can 
it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation 
wnth its virtues ? the experiment, at least, is recommended by every sen- 
timent which ennobles human nature. — Alas ! is it rendered impossible 
by its vices? 

" In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that 
permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passion- 
ate attachments for others, should be excluded ; and that in place of them, 
just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation 
which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fond- 
ness, is, in some degree, a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or its af- 
fection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its 
interest. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each more 
readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, 
and to be haughty and untractable, when accidental or trifling occasions 
of dispute occur. 

" Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. 
— The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels the 
government to war, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The gov- 
ernment sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts, 
through passion, what reason would reject ; at other times it makes the 
animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by 
pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace 
often, sometimes, perhaps, the liberty of nations, has been the victim. 

" So likewise a passionate attachment of one nation for another, pro- 
duces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the 
illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no leal com- 
mon interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, be- 
trays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter^ 
without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions 
to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt to injure 
the nation making the concessions ; by unnecessarily parting with what 
ought to have been retained ; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a dis- 
position to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are with- 
held : and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, who devote 
themselves to the favorite nation, facility to betray or sacrifice the interest 
of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity ; 
gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a com- 
mendable deference for pubhc opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, 
the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. 

" As avenues to foreign influence, in innumerable ways, such attach- 
ments are particularly alarming to the enlightened and independent 
patriot. How many opportunities do they aSbrd to tamper with domestic 
factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to in- 
fluence or awe the public councils ! Such an attachment of a small or 
weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the 
satellite of the other. 

" Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, I conjure you to be- 
lieve me, fellow-citizens, the jealousy of a free people ought to be con- 
stantly awake ; since history and experience prove that foreign influence 
is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that 
jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial ; else it becomes the instrument 



334 HISTORY OF 

of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Ex- 
cessive -pai-tiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, 
cause those whom they actuate to see the danger only on one side, and 
serve to veil and even to second the arts of influence on the other. Real 
patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become 
suspected and odious ; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and 
confidence of the people to surrender their interests. 

" The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is in 
extending our commercial relations, to have, with them, as little political 
connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, 
let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith.— Here let us stop. 

" Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a 
very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controver- 
sies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns : there- 
fore it must be unwise in us to impUcate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the 
ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations or col- 
lisions of her friendships or enmities. 

" Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a 
different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, 
the period is not far off", when we may defy material injury, from external 
annoyance ; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neu- 
trality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected ; 
when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions 
upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation ; when we may 
choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. 

" Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? Why quit our 
own, to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving our destiny 
with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in 
the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice. 

" It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any 
portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to 
do it : for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to 
existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than 
private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, there- 
fore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in 
my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise, to extend them. 

" Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable estabhshments, on 
a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alli- 
ances for extraordinary emergencies. 

" Harmony and liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended 
by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should 
hold an equal and impartial hand ; neither seeking nor granting exclusive 
favors or preferences ; consulting the natural course of things ; diffusing 
and diversifying, by gentle means, the streams of commerce, but forcing 
nothing ; establishing, with powers so disposed in order to give trade a 
stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the gov- 
ernnient to support them ; conventional rules of intercourse, the best that 
present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and 
liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and cir- 
cumstances shall dictate ; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in 
one nation to look for disinterested favors from another ; that it must pay 
with a portion of its independence, for whatever it may accept under that 
character ; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition 



AMERICA. 335 

of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproach- 
ed with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error 
than to expect, or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It 
is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to 
discard. 

" In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and af- 
fectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting 
impression I could wish ; that they will control the usual current of the 
passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hith- 
erto marked the destiny of nations : but, if I may even flatter myself, that 
they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good ; 
that you may now and then recur to them, to moderate the fury of party- 
spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against 
the. impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recom- 
pense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dic- 
tated. 

" How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by 
the principles that have %en delineated, the public records and other evi- 
dences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, 
the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have believed myself to be 
guided by them. 

" In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of 
the 23d of April, 1793, is the index of my plan. Sanctioned by your 
approving voice, and by that of your Representatives in both houses of 
Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me ; unin- 
fluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. 

" After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could 
obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances 
of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to 
take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should 
depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firm- 
ness. 

" The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is 
not necessary, on this occasion, to detail. I will only observe that, accord- 
ing to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being de- 
nied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. 
"The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any 
thing more, from the obligations which justice and humanity impose on 
every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate tlie 
relations of peace and amity towards other nations. The inducements of 
interest for observing that conduct, will best be referred to your own re- 
flections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to 
endeavor to gain time to our country, to settle and mature its yet recent 
institutions ; and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of 
strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speak, 
ing, the command of its own fortunes. 

" Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am un- 
conscious of intentional error ; I am, nevertheless, too sensible of my de. 
fects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. 
Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or miti. 
gate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the 
hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence ; 
and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an 



336 HISTORY OF 

upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to ob- 
livion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. 

" Relying on its kindness in this, as in other things, and actuated by 
that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it 
the natural soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations ; I 
anticipate, with pleasing expectation, that retreat in which I promise my- 
self to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the 
midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a 
free government ; the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy re- 
ward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers." 

515. He resigned with pleasure the seat he had filled with 
so much honor and applause to his successor, and retired to 
his farm at Mount Vernon, where he remained tranquilly in 
possession of those rural delights which were most congenial 
to his natural inclination. 

516. The immortal Washington was succeeded in the presi- 
dential chair by John Adams, a distinguished patriot of the 
revolution. During his presidency, from 1797 to 1801, the 
French revolutionary government, disappointed in their object 
of engaging the United States in a war v.'ith England, pursued 
a course of insult and aggression towards them, which ended 
in hostilities. The American administration had forborne for 
a long time, but at length adopted measures of retaliation and 
defence. A provisional army of regular troops was established, 
and the navy was increased by the addition of several frigates. 
Washington was appointed, by the unanimous consent of the 
senate, lieutenant-general and commander-in-chief of the armies 
of the United States. This truly illustrious citizen died shortlv 
afterwards, at his seat of Mount Vernon, on the 14th of De- 
cember, 1799, in the 68th year of his age, leaving the charac- 
ter of the most pure and exalted of patriots, after having reaped 
a full harvest of glory. 

517. General Washington was about six feet in height ; his 
eyes were gray, but full of animation ; his countenance serene 
and expressive, not disposed to the frequent indulgence of 
mirth : his limbs muscular and well-proportioned ; he was ma- 
jestic and solemn in his deportment. He generally expressed 
himself with perspicuity and diffidence, but seldom used more 
words than were necessary for elucidating his opinion. He 
had the urbanity of a gentleman, without the pageantry of 
pride ; he qualified denials in so kind a manner, that a disap- 
pointment carried no sting with it. Such was the great Wash- 
ington ! Where will America find his equal? 

518. The war which commenced in 1799, between the 
United States and France, continued but a few months ; a con- 



AMERICA. 337 

veution being concluded between them on the 30th of Septem- 
ber, 1800, The actual hostilities consisted in two severe and 
well-fought naval actions : — the first between the frigate Con- 
stellation, of 38 guns, and the French frigate I'lnsurgente, of 
about equal force, in which the latter was captured ; the second 
was between the same American frigate and La Vengeance, 
of sui)erior force, which made her escape in the night, after 
having struck her colors. 

519. In 1801, a change took place in the administration of 
public affairs. The democratic republican party having be- 
come the majority, succeeded in electing Mr. Jeiferson to the 
presidential chair, in opposition to Mr. Adams. During the 
first term of his ojfficial career, the United States enjoyed a 
singular degree of commercial prosperity, while the free insti- 
tutions were visible in the elevated character and happy condi- 
tion of the people. 

520. By the treaty of 1783, between the United States and 
Great Britain, the Mississippi river was made the western bound- 
ary of the United States from its source to the 31st degree of 
latitude, and following this line to the Catahouche : the Floridas 
being ceded to Spain by a treaty of the same date, but without 
any specific boundaHes ; this omission led to a controversy be- 
tween the United States and Spain, which nearly terminated in 
hostilities. It was finally arranged in 1795, by a treaty, which 
provided for an amicable settlement of the boundary line, and 
secured to our republic the right of deposit for the productions 
of its western states at New-Orleans. Spain had vacillated in 
its conduct for nearly three years, respecting the fulfilment of 
the conditions of this treaty ; but during the administration of 
President Adams, preparations were made by us for a forcible 
occupation of the city ; the state of parties, at that time, caused 
an abandonment of this plan ; but the objects contended for by 
the United States, were soon afterwards happily obtained. 

521. In October, 1800, a secret treaty was signed at Paris, 
by the plenipotentiaries of France and Spain, making a cession 
of Louisiana to the former power ; — this actually took place in 
March, 1801, but the fact was not promulgated for some time. 
It seems to have been the intention of the French government 
to take possession, but the rigorous blockade of their ports by 
the British fleets prevented the execution of this design. As 
soon as intelligence of the cession to France reached the Ame- 
rican government, negotiations were opened with that power, 
which terminated by a transfer of the whole country to the 
United States, for 15,000,000 of dollars. 

2D 



338 HISTORY OF 

522. The purchase of Louisiana, though censured at the 
time by the pohtical opponents of Mr. Jefferson, is now uni- 
versally admitted to have been an act of great political wisdom, 
because it closed a source of controversy with foreign powers ; 
added a very extensive tract of fertile country to the Union ; 
and extended the duration of it, by restoring to the western 
states the natural outlet of their productions. Were there no- 
thing else in the political administration of this great statesman 
to endear him to his countrymen, the peaceful acquisition of 
Louisiana would give it a lasting claim to their gratitude. 
William C. Claiborne was appointed the first governor ; and in 
1811, this district having acquired a sufficient population, was 
admitted as a separate state ; since which period it has rapidly 
increased in wealth and population. During the latter part of 
the last war with England, it became the theatre of hostilities, 
and the field of glory for American arms. 

523. We must not omit mentioning two circumstances con- 
nected with the administration of Thomas Jefferson : — the war 
with Tripoli, which was declared by Congress on the 10th of 
June, 1801 ; and the conspiracy of Aaron Burr. The princi- 
pal details of the Tripolitan war consist in the frigate Philadel- 
phia striking on a rock in the harbor of Tripoli, on the 31st 
of October, 1803, in which situation she was taken possession 
of by the enemy ; but on the 16th of February, in the follow- 
ing year, she was burned in the harbor by a party of volun- 
teers, from the American squadron, headed by the gallant 
Stephen Decatur. In the ensuing August, Tripoli was bom- 
barded by commodore Preble, and the Bashaw was made to 
feel the effects of American valor. The war appeared likely 
to be of long duration, until general Eaton availed himself of 
the favorable opportunity of uniting his arms with those of the 
exiled Bashaw, and, with the aid of 70 Americans, and 300 
Turks, took the city of Derne, on the 27th of April, 1805 : in 
June, the same year, the humbled Bashaw was happy to con- 
clude a peace with the United States, on more advantageous 
terms than had ever before been conceded to any Christian 
power. 

524. The public mind was highly excited in the beginning 
of the year 1807, by the arrest of the well-known Aaron Burr, 
an opponent of the celebrated Alexander Hamilton. It is sup- 
posed his object was the separation of the western states from 
the Union, and the conquest of Mexico ; but on his trial for 
high treason, in September of the same year, he was acquit- 
ted of the charge by the petit-jury assembled at Richmond 



AMERICA. 339 

for that purpose : since that period he seems to have courted 
obscurity. 

525. The European war was renewed in 1803, the peace 
having been of short duration. The belUgerants, who envied 
the prosperity of these growing states, during the administra- 
tion of former presidents, and had committed great depredations 
on our commerce, began to display a more offensive demeanor 
about the year 1806. By their neutral position, the United 
States had gained a great accession of wealth, and excited the 
jealousy of the English, who saw them becoming the carriers 
of produce between France and her colonies. To counteract 
this commerce, the law of nations was disregarded, and neu- 
tral rights were violated by the British government. 

526. With the intention of destroying all neutral commerce, 
and particularly that of the United States, the British declared 
the greater part of the French coast in a state of blockade, in 
May, 1806, without pursuing the ancient mode of stationing a 
naval force to put it in execution. The emperor Napoleon re- 
taliated by an edict of a similar nature, dated from Berlin, in 
November the same year, although he knew the execution of 
it was impracticable in the state of the French marine. On 
the 11th of November, the following year, the British issued 
their memorable orders in council, by which they presumed to 
forbid any trade whatever with France or her dependencies ; 
and in a subsequent decree of Milan, on December 17th, Na- 
poleon declared all neutral vessels denationalized which should 
suffer themselves to be visited by an English vessel of war. In 
these hostile proceedings the English were certainly the ag- 
gressors. They had also wounded the national dignity of the 
United States by an unprovoked attack upon the frigate Chesa- 
peake, on the 22d of June, 1807 ; by the frequent impressment 
of American seamen ; and by the insulting demeanor of their 
vessels of war, which were stationed at the mouths of the 
American harbors, to enforce their orders in council. 

527. Remonstrances were tried, without effect, and Congress 
resolved that the nation could not submit without a surrender 
of independence. The country was not, however, prepared 
for war ; and although the aggressions of the English far sur- 
passed those of France in magnitude and importance, yet the 
wrongs inflicted by the latter could not be passed over in si- 
lence. A system of restrictions upon commerce was therefore 
attempted, which should operate equally upon both belligerants. 
In December, 1807, an embargo was laid upon all American 
vessels ; the restrictions of which were enforced by several 



340 HISTORY OF 

subsequent acts. After the experience of a year, Congress 
3delded to the clamors of the commercial interest, repealed the 
embargo law, and substituted an act interdicting the commer- 
cial intercourse with Great Britain and France, at a time when 
it was supposed by many persons that the preceding measure 
was producing the desired effect in Europe ; yet they gave to 
the president authority to remove the restriction in case of an 
amicable arrangement. 

528. In the year 1 809, Mr. Jefferson having dechned a re- 
election, James Madison was chosen president, and George 
Clinton vice-president. An arrangement was made with Mr. 
Erskine in April of this year, by which he agreed, on the part 
of his government, to repeal the obnoxious orders, and the 
president consented to the renewal of the commercial inter- 
course between the two countries : but the British government 
refused to ratify the act of their minister, on the ground of its 
having been concluded without sufficient authority. The non- 
intercourse with Great Britain was subsequently renewed ; and 
Mr. Erskine was proved not to have exceeded his instructions. 
This same year Mr. Erskine was recalled by his government, 
and succeeded in his functions of ambassador by Jackson, re- 
markable for having been the diplomatist at the time of the 
attack upon Copenhagen by the British. This person having, 
soon after the commencement of his correspondence with the 
secretary of state, offered a gross insult to the government, the 
president declined any further correspondence with him, and 
desired his recall : — his government subsequently removed him, 
but promoted him to another station. 

529. In August, 1810, the French government officially an- 
nounced to the American minister at Paris, that the Berlin and 
Milan decrees would cease to operate on the first of November 
ensuing. The president accordingly issued a proclamation on 
the second of November, declaring that the intercourse be- 
tween the United States and France might be renewed. In 
May, 1811, the British sloop of war Little Belt, one of the 
many armed vessels which that government had stationed on 
the coast to harass the American commerce, had the audacity 
to fire upon the United States frigate President; but a few 
broadsides from the latter were sufficient to cripple her. To- 
wards the close of the same year, an action was fought at 
Tippecanoe, between the American infantry, commanded by 
general Harrison, and a large body of Indians, in which the 
latter were defeated. 

5:30. The system of restrictions upon commerce was con- 



AMERICA. 341 

tinued until 1812, when ihe increasing outrages of Great Brit- 
ain called for more decided and effective measures. With a 
view to hostilities, the president was authorized to augment the 
number of the regular army. Volunteers were accepted, and 
the few frigates belonging to the navy were ordered to be fitted 
out. War was declared on the ] 8th of June, 1812, having 
been recommended by the president in a message to both houses 
of congress. Notwithstanding the length of time in which hos- 
tilities had been meditated, they were commenced with a very 
imperfect state of preparation on the part of America. An 
addition to the regular army of 25,000 men had been author- 
ized ; but few of them had been enlisted ; and few individuals 
were found sufficiently acquainted with military science to act 
as officers. The volunteers and militia were undisciplined, yet 
zealous and patriotic. In consequence of these inadequate 
preparations, and the want of sufficient foresight, in other re- 
spects, on the part of the government, the first operations of 
the war were marked with ill success. 

531. On the 12th of July, 1812, general Hull invaded 
Canada, and after a short possession of a portion of the ene- 
my's territory, fell back to Detroit. The British having com- 
mand of the lake, immediately cut off his communication with 
the state of Ohio, from which he had derived his supplies. Two 
attempts, which were made to open the route, failed of success. 
In this situation, a British force, under general Brock, advanced 
against the American troops ; and, without waiting an attack, 
general Hull surrendered his army prisoners of war on the 
16th of August. He was afterwards tried by a court-martial, 
and condemned to be shot. The president approved the sen- 
tence, but remitted the punishment, in consequence of the age 
and revolutionary services of the general. On the Niagara 
frontier, the operations of the Americans were almost equally 
unfortunate. About 1000 troops, commanded by general Van 
Rensselaer, crossed the river, and attacked the British at 
Queenstown, on the 13th of October: — they were at first suc- 
cessful, having beaten the enemy at the point of the bayonet ; 
but not receiving the expected reinforcements, they were com- 
pelled to surrender, after a long and obstinate engagement. 

532. The disappointment arising from the failure of these 
military enterprises, was fully counterbalanced by the glorious 
success of the American flag on the ocean ; — this had formerly 
been the peculiar theatre of British triumphs. On the 20th of 
August, 1812, the American frigate Constitution fell in with the 
British frigate Guerriere, of about equal force : — the latter ad- 

2 D 2 



342 HISTORY OF 

vanced to the contest, confident in the reputation of the British 
arms, and anticipating an easy triumph over her opponent ; but 
in the space of about 30 minutes, the well-directed fire of the 
Constitution placed her in a sinking condition, and she was 
forced to surrender, with the loss of 100 men in killed and 
wounded. On board the Constitution only 14 were killed and 
wounded. This brilliant exploit was followed by others of a 
similar nature. On the 25th of October, the frigate United 
States, commanded by Decatur, engaged the British frigate 
Macedonian, and compelled her to surrender, with the loss of 
nearly 100 killed and wounded. The Macedonian was after- 
wards sent to the United States, and added to our navy. 

533. In November, the British sloop of war Frolic was cap- 
tured, after a severe engagement with the American sloop of 
war Wasp, of inferior force : — and before the close of this year 
another brilliant victory added lustre to the American arms. 
The frigate Constitution, under command of Bainbridge, en- 
countered the British frigate Java, carrying an equal number 
of guns, but having more than her usual complement of men, 
and several military passengers. A warm action ensued for 
about an hour, when the fire of the Constitution reduced her 
opponent to an unmanageable wreck, and she struck her colors. 
Her loss was very great, having 60 killed, and 120 wounded; 
but of the Constitution only 9 were killed, and 25 wounded. 
The prize was so shattered, it was found impossible to bring 
her into port : she was therefore destroyed by the captors. In 
February, 1813, captain Lawrence, of the Hornet, captured the 
British sloop of war Peacock, of superior force, after an action 
of 15 minutes. Besides these triumphs of the public vessels 
of the United States, many gallant exploits were performed by 
the privateers, which distressed the British commerce in an un- 
precedented manner. 

534. The military operations of the year 1813 were pro- 
ductive of alternate success and reverses. The north-western 
frontier was again the theatre of misfortune and bloodshed. 
After the capture of Hull's army, the government immediately 
called out detachments of troops from Kentucky, Ohio, and 
Pennsylvania, and placed the whole under command of general 
Harrison. The arrangements of this officer were well concerted 
to obtain the recovery of Detroit. In pursuance of this plan, 
general Winchester moved forward to the rapids of Miami, with 
about 800 men, and v/as directed to commence the building of 
huts. He arrived at this post early in January, and formed a 
fortified camp ; but hearing of an intended assault upon French- 



AMERICA. 34.3 

town, at the river Raisin, he moved forward to that place. On 
the morning of the 22d of January, he was suddenly attacked 
by a large force of British and Indians, commanded by colonel 
Proctor : — though surprised and surrounded, the troops fought 
with coolness and bravery, but were finally obliged to yield to 
superior numbers ; and the general surrendered about 500 of 
them as prisoners of war. 

535. On the frontier of lake Ontario, the American arms 
enjoyed a short advantage. York, the seat of government in 
Upper Canada, being abandoned by the enemy, was taken pos- 
session of by troops under the command of general Dearborn, 
on the 27th of April. When the Americans had driven before 
them the best of the enemy's infantry at the point of the bayo- 
net, and were within a short distance of the British outworks, 
a match was intentionally placed to the magazine, by the ex- 
plosion of which about 100 of our men were killed; among 
whom was the brave general Pike, commander of the detach- 
ment. He was an officer of distinguished bravery and mihtary 
talents, and his loss was deeply lamented : but the troops, un- 
dismayed by his fall, gave loud cheers, and pushed forward to 
avenge his death. Having destroyed most of the public stores, 
the army evacuated York. 

536. On the 27th of May, a detachment of our troops at- 
tacked fort George, which surrendered after a sharp contest. 
In retaliation for which. Sir George Prevost made an attempt 
to surprise Sacket's Harbor ; but they were received with so 
much coolness and bravery by the forces under general Brown, 
that they betook themselves to flight, leaving their wounded 
and prisoners in the care of the American general. To com- 
pensate for this inglorious defeat, the British surprised the forces 
under generals Winder and Chandler, during the night, and 
made them all prisoners of war. Thus was the war pursued 
with alternate success and defeat, until the 10th of September. 
On the morning of that memorable day, commodore Perry, 
with an inferior force, engaged the enemy on lake Erie; and, 
after a long and well-contested action, the principal American 
vessel struck her colors ; — but the fortunes of the day were 
retrieved by a bold and unprecedented manoeuvre, and by the 
consummate presence of mind of the youthful Perry, who, 
after an action of three hours, captured the whole of the British 
squadron. This glorious victory relieved the whole of the 
north-western frontier from the presence of the enemy. 

537. During the early part of the war, the Atlantic fi'ontier 
enjoyed comparative peace. In the spring of 1814, a series 



844 HISTORY OF 

of devastating hostility began on the shores of the Chesapeake, 
which reflected disgrace on the British arms. This predatory 
warfare was principally carried on by direction of admiral 
Cockburn, who, being so successful in plundering farm-houses, 
and rifling churches, began to employ his troops on a bolder 
scale. With the hope of obtaining possession of Norfolk, an 
attack was made on Craney Island, but which terminated in 
the defeat of the invaders. The small town of Hampton was 
taken by the British, and given up to violation and plunder ; 
and during the remainder of the year, the British in the Chesa- 
peake were chiefly employed in threatening Washington and 
Baltimore. 

538. In the warfare on the ocean, the American frigate 
Chesapeake was captured by the British frigate Shannon, in 
consequence of the unfortunate death of her commander, and 
the disabled state of most of the oflicers ; and posterity will 
not fail to impute rashness to Lawrence, for hastily throwing 
away those laurels which more coolness and his bravery might 
have won. In the latter part of this year, a formidable expe- 
dition was fitted out for the capture of Montreal : the object 
was to have been effected by the union of two divisions of in- 
fantry, one under the command of general Hampton, and the 
other under general Wilkinson : but in consequence of a divi- 
sion between the two generals, the enterprise failed ; Wilkinson 
^vas recalled, and superseded in the command by general Izard. 
On the Niagara frontier, events occurred which retrieved the 
character of the American arms ; — stricter discipline was in- 
troduced among our troops, and thus they were prepared to 
encounter the veteran soldiers of the enemy. The command 
was given to general Brown, who had distinguished himself at 
Sacket's Harbor. 

539. On the 2d of July, 1813, the troops crossed, and hav- 
ing captured fort Erie, with its garrison, they proceeded to 
attack the British position at Chippewa ; the respective forces 
being about equal in numbers. On the 5th, an obstinate and 
well-fought battle took place, which terminated in favor of the 
Americans, who carried all the British positions at the point of 
the bayonet, and finally converted their retreat into a disorderly 
flight. Another still more warmly-contested battle occurred on 
the 25th of the same month : the enemy, being reinforced, 
advanced towards the American position, and was attacked by 
general Scott, near the falls of Niagara : but after a considerable 
display of valor, the enemy was forced to retreat with great 
loss. The American force, however, was so much weakened, 



AMERICA. 345 

that it fell back to fort Erie. The British advanced to lay 
siege to the fort, but their operations proved unsuccessful ; and 
attempting to carry it by assault, were defeated with great loss ; 
the Americans gaining great advantages, by making a sally 
on the besiegers' lines. The operations on this frontier, during 
the remainder of the war, were of no consequence. 

540. On the northern frontier, the arms of the republic ob- 
tained a glorious triumph, in the capture of the whole British 
squadron, on lake Champlain ; — and a powerful military expe- 
dition, commanded by general Prevost, was repulsed in an 
attack on Plattsburg, and compelled to abandon its views. 
During this year, the British government availed itself of its 
powerful force to pillage and lay waste the Atlantic coast. 
In the month of August, a body of 4500 men landed near 
Washington, and took that place ; but after destroying most of 
the public buildings, they retired without molestation. The 
disgrace arising from this event, was in some measure retrieved, 
by the defeat of the enemy in a similar attempt upon Balti- 
more ; before which place the British general Ross was' killed, 
while he was reconnoitring the American lines. On the ocean, 
the frigate President was captured by a squadron of the enemy, 
and the Essex by two vessels of superior force, after a most 
desperate engagement, and great slaughter : but the capture of 
the Epervier, the Avon, the Reindeer, the Cyane, the Levant, 
and the Penguin, proved, that in actions between vessels of 
equal force, the Americans were uniformly successful. 

541. The military operations of the war were closed by an 
attack upon New-Orleans, by a well-appointed and formidable 
British army under general Packenham. On the 23d of De- 
cember, 1814, general Jackson made an attack upon the enemy 
in the night, and inflicted upon them a severe loss. Being 
strongly reinforced, however, the invaders attacked the Ameri- 
can intrenchments on the 28th, but met with so gallant a re- 
sistance that they were compelled to retire. On the 1st of 
January, the British opened a tremendous fire from their bat- 
teries upon the American intrenchments ; but these were so 
well defended, and their artillery so admirably served, that the 
British guns were nearly all dismounted, and the attack de- 
cisively defeated. Again, on the 8th, the enemy made his last 
and most formidable assault upon the American lines, intending 
to carry them by escalade : in this attempt, he was utterly and 
irretrievably defeated, with the loss of 2600 men, and several 
distinguished officers, including the commander-in-chief. Ex- 
traordinary as the fact may appear, only thirteen Americans 



346 HISTORY OF 

fell in this sanguinary battle. The British now abandoned all 
hope of success in the object of the expedition : they embarked 
their shattered forces on board the fleet, and sailed from the 
fatal coast. Peace, which had been for some time in negotia- 
tion, was concluded between the ambassadors of the United 
States and Great Britain at Ghent, on the 24th of December, 
1814 ; the news of which was received in the United States on 
the 14th of February, 1815. 

542. When Louisiana was ceded to the United States by 
France, in 1803, it was declared by the treaty to be conveyed 
with the same boundaries as had pertained to it when held by 
Spain, and as it had when ceded by Spain to France. The 
terms of this cession gave rise to a claim on the part of the 
United States to the country west of Perdido river ; and, to 
prevent the occupation of this territory by any other power, 
the government took possession of the principal places in 1811, 
except the town and fort of Mobile, which were surrendered 
the following year. East Florida remained in possession of 
the Spanish authorities, until the second war between the United 
States and Great Britain. A British expedition having been 
fitted out from Pensacola, in 1814, against our southern border, 
general Jackson resolved to take possession of the place. March- 
ing from Mobile, he attacked, destroyed fort Barrancas, and 
returned to Mobile. A similar disregard of the duties of neu- 
trality on the part of the Spanish government, drew upon this 
province another invasion in 1818. 

543. The Seminole Indians, with whom the United States 
were at war, residing within the limits of Florida, and making 
incursions thence without opposition from the Spaniards, it be- 
came necessary, for the purpose of chastising them, to cross 
the territorial line, and subsequently possession was taken by 
general Jackson of fort St. Marks and Pensacola. The Ame- 
rican troops remained at these military posts until November, 
1818, when these places were restored by the government of 
the United States to Spain. A transfer of the whole province 
to the United States was afterwards agreed upon in 1819; — 
after some unnecessary delay on the part of Spain, a treaty, 
to that effect, was ratified by her in October, 1820, and by the 
United States in February, 1821 ; — accordingly, possession 
was given in July, the same year, upon condition of the United 
States paying 5,000,000 dollars to her own citizens as an in- 
demnity for spoliations made upon her commerce by Spain, 
during the predominance of France in the government of that 
country. 



AMERICA. U7 

544. Thus have we conducted the youthful student of Ame- 
rican History through a succession of events the most inter- 
esting to mankind that have ever taken place on the theatre of 
the globe ; they are interesting to us, because we enjoy the 
most beneficial effects from apparently insignificant causes ; 
they are interesting to the members of the European world, in- 
asmuch as they solve a problem, which was frequently urged 
by the advocates of despotism, that man, when left to his own 
guidance, was incapable of self-government. We see how the 
descendants of Japheth, migrating from their original seat, 
" shall rule over their brethren," not by the force of arms ; not 
by brutal violence ; but by the lights of science, and the influ- 
ence of a legislation, that seems to have caught a ray from 
Divinity, having humanity for its basis, and benevolence for its 
superstructure. 

545. The government of the United States is a Federal Re- 
public ; formed by the union of the several states for the pur- 
pose of mutual safety and defence, under the general power of 
a Congress. Each state is independent, with distinct laws for 
itself, and has the exclusive control of all local concerns ; but 
the defence of the country, the regulation of commerce, and 
all the general interests of the confederacy, are committed, by 
the constitution of the United States, to a general government. 

546. The laws of the Union are made by a Congress, which 
consists of a Senate and House of Representatives, and is 
termed the legislative power. The laws are executed by the 
Secretaries of State, of War, of the Navy, and of the Trea- 
sury ; and this is called the executive power. The President 
is chosen for four years, by delegates, elected for this purpose 
by the people ; and equal in number for each state to the mem- 
bers it sends to Congress — 

1. George Washington, from 1789 to 1797, eight years. 

2. John Adams, . . . 1797 . 1801, four . . 

3. Thomas Jefferson, . 1801 . 1809, eight . . 

4. James Madison, . . 1809 . 1817, eight . . 

5. James Monroe, . . 1817 . 1825, eight . . 

6. John Q. Adams, . . 1825 . 1829, four . . 

7. Andrew Jackson, . . 1829 

547. The Vice-President is chosen in the same manner, and 
for the same length of time: 1. John Adams. 2. Thomas Jef- 
ferson. 3. Aaron Burr. 4. George Clinton. 5. George Clinton. 
6. Elbridge Gerry. 7. D. D. Tompkins. 8. D. D. Tompkins. 9. 
John C. Calhoun. 10. John C. Calhoun. 



348 HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

548. The Senate consists of two members from each state, 
chosen by the legislature thereof for six years ; consequently 
the 24 states ought to send 48 senators. The Representatives 
are chosen by the people of each state, according to their popu- 
lation ; in 1830, 40,000 inhabitants being entitled to one repre- 
sentative ; consequently they were 208 in number. 

549. The Federal Judiciary is the power which explains 
and applies the laws, and is independent of the legislature. It 
consists of a supreme court, held annually at Washington, and 
a district court in each state : the judges of the supreme court 
of the United States, and the inferior officers of government, 
are appointed by the President, with the approbation of the 
Senate. There have been five chief-justices since the organi- 
zation of the government: 1. John Jay. 2. William Gushing. 
3. Oliver Ellsworth. 4. John Jay. 5. John Marshall. 

550. Such is the brief outline of a government which has 
become the admiration of civilized man. 

E PLURIBUS UNUM. 

ESTO PERPETUA ! 



THE END. 



H, 12 "88JI 




5^ ^^ 







!i^^ ^^^■ ^'c- 




.-?'^ 











•C^ *'..>' <C. 










